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African Affairs . Vol. 112/446Mention de date : 2013 Paru le : 16/02/2013 |
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Ajouter le résultat dans votre panierAfrica's new big man rule? Pentecostalism and patronage in Ghana / John F. McCauley in African Affairs, Vol. 112/446 (2013)
[article]
Titre : Africa's new big man rule? Pentecostalism and patronage in Ghana Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : John F. McCauley, Auteur Année de publication : 2013 Article en page(s) : 1-21 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : The concept of ‘big man rule’, conventionally invoked to refer to a kinship-based relationship between patron and client, is now finding application in the charismatic Pentecostal movement in Africa. This article explores why new Pentecostalism emerges as an alternative to traditional clientelism, and how well the analogy of big man rule applies. It traces the Pentecostal form of big man rule to four socio-economic transformations: ongoing weakness in the state's ability to provide social welfare; a change in social values in the wake of the global financial crisis; expanding state control over customary activities; and urbanization. Drawing on data collected from both patrons and clients in Ghana, the article shows that Pentecostalism mirrors traditional big man rule by encouraging members to break from their past, to trust leadership, and to commit exclusively to their religious social network. Among church leaders, Pentecostalism also encourages internal competition and the provision of social services. Most importantly, the movement creates pay-off structures that replicate the exchange of resources for loyalty central to big man rule. The implication is that Pentecostalism's success as an alternative informal institution is not a function of Weberian ethics or occult spiritualities, but rather its ability to fill voids left by the state and to provide new social networks.
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/446 (2013) . - 1-21[article] Africa's new big man rule? Pentecostalism and patronage in Ghana [texte imprimé] / John F. McCauley, Auteur . - 2013 . - 1-21.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/446 (2013) . - 1-21
Résumé : The concept of ‘big man rule’, conventionally invoked to refer to a kinship-based relationship between patron and client, is now finding application in the charismatic Pentecostal movement in Africa. This article explores why new Pentecostalism emerges as an alternative to traditional clientelism, and how well the analogy of big man rule applies. It traces the Pentecostal form of big man rule to four socio-economic transformations: ongoing weakness in the state's ability to provide social welfare; a change in social values in the wake of the global financial crisis; expanding state control over customary activities; and urbanization. Drawing on data collected from both patrons and clients in Ghana, the article shows that Pentecostalism mirrors traditional big man rule by encouraging members to break from their past, to trust leadership, and to commit exclusively to their religious social network. Among church leaders, Pentecostalism also encourages internal competition and the provision of social services. Most importantly, the movement creates pay-off structures that replicate the exchange of resources for loyalty central to big man rule. The implication is that Pentecostalism's success as an alternative informal institution is not a function of Weberian ethics or occult spiritualities, but rather its ability to fill voids left by the state and to provide new social networks. Who believes in witches? Institutional flux in Sierra Leone / aa.vv. in African Affairs, Vol. 112/446 (2013)
[article]
Titre : Who believes in witches? Institutional flux in Sierra Leone Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : aa.vv., Auteur Année de publication : 2013 Article en page(s) : 22-47 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : Witchcraft has been documented across the globe. The widespread occurrence of such beliefs in modern Africa affects politics, economic development, and poverty alleviation. Anthropologists have analysed the semiotics of African witchcraft, but there is less information on distributional issues. An important question is which communities are most affected, and why? Using data from a survey of 182 villages and 2,443 household heads in the Gola Forest region of eastern Sierra Leone, we examine three manifestations of witchcraft – concerns, conflicts, and detection. We find that where patrimonial relations of agrarian production remain strong, and in settings where market forces are now well established, witchcraft is less of a concern. By contrast, witchcraft manifestations are higher in communities experiencing the competing pull of patrimonial and market norms. Witchcraft, we conclude, is a product of normative ambiguity.
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/446 (2013) . - 22-47[article] Who believes in witches? Institutional flux in Sierra Leone [texte imprimé] / aa.vv., Auteur . - 2013 . - 22-47.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/446 (2013) . - 22-47
Résumé : Witchcraft has been documented across the globe. The widespread occurrence of such beliefs in modern Africa affects politics, economic development, and poverty alleviation. Anthropologists have analysed the semiotics of African witchcraft, but there is less information on distributional issues. An important question is which communities are most affected, and why? Using data from a survey of 182 villages and 2,443 household heads in the Gola Forest region of eastern Sierra Leone, we examine three manifestations of witchcraft – concerns, conflicts, and detection. We find that where patrimonial relations of agrarian production remain strong, and in settings where market forces are now well established, witchcraft is less of a concern. By contrast, witchcraft manifestations are higher in communities experiencing the competing pull of patrimonial and market norms. Witchcraft, we conclude, is a product of normative ambiguity. Pwani C Kenya? Memory, documents and secessionist politics in coastal Kenya / Justin Willis in African Affairs, Vol. 112/446 (2013)
[article]
Titre : Pwani C Kenya? Memory, documents and secessionist politics in coastal Kenya Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Justin Willis, Auteur ; George Gona, Auteur Année de publication : 2013 Article en page(s) : 48-71 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : Following the elections of 2007, there was a significant increase in public expressions of secessionist feeling on the Kenya coast. During 2010 and 2011, one manifestation of this was the emergence of the Mombasa Republic Council (MRC), which demands independence for the coastal region. The language of secessionism is historical, and revisits the vivid political debates of the late 1950s and early 1960s, when politics in coastal Kenya revolved successively around two constitutional issues. The first was the possibility that the Ten-Mile Strip, nominally the sovereign territory of the Sultan of Zanzibar, might not become a part of independent Kenya; the second was the ‘regionalist’ constitution of 1963–4. This article explores the way that people now retell the history of earlier debates, and argues that these retellings suggest both the power and the plasticity of claims to historical knowledge, and that they reveal a profound fault line within ‘secessionist’ opinion, which separates those who claim political primacy on the basis of autochthony from those who locate their claim to independence in the language of colonial-era treaties. Such divisions are important, because they shape the way that secessionist arguments are framed, and the potential for secessionist politics to undermine the unity of the Kenyan state.
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/446 (2013) . - 48-71[article] Pwani C Kenya? Memory, documents and secessionist politics in coastal Kenya [texte imprimé] / Justin Willis, Auteur ; George Gona, Auteur . - 2013 . - 48-71.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/446 (2013) . - 48-71
Résumé : Following the elections of 2007, there was a significant increase in public expressions of secessionist feeling on the Kenya coast. During 2010 and 2011, one manifestation of this was the emergence of the Mombasa Republic Council (MRC), which demands independence for the coastal region. The language of secessionism is historical, and revisits the vivid political debates of the late 1950s and early 1960s, when politics in coastal Kenya revolved successively around two constitutional issues. The first was the possibility that the Ten-Mile Strip, nominally the sovereign territory of the Sultan of Zanzibar, might not become a part of independent Kenya; the second was the ‘regionalist’ constitution of 1963–4. This article explores the way that people now retell the history of earlier debates, and argues that these retellings suggest both the power and the plasticity of claims to historical knowledge, and that they reveal a profound fault line within ‘secessionist’ opinion, which separates those who claim political primacy on the basis of autochthony from those who locate their claim to independence in the language of colonial-era treaties. Such divisions are important, because they shape the way that secessionist arguments are framed, and the potential for secessionist politics to undermine the unity of the Kenyan state. The international peacebuilding paradox: Power sharing and post-conflict governance in Burundi / Devon Curtis in African Affairs, Vol. 112/446 (2013)
[article]
Titre : The international peacebuilding paradox: Power sharing and post-conflict governance in Burundi Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Devon Curtis, Auteur Année de publication : 2013 Article en page(s) : 72-91 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : At first glance, Burundi represents a successful negotiated transition to peaceful governance through power sharing, and a justification for regional and international peacebuilders' involvement. It is undeniable that Burundi is safer than it was a decade or two ago. Most notably, while Burundi was once known for its ethnic divisions and antagonism, today ethnicity is no longer the most salient feature around which conflict is generated. Nevertheless, this article argues that the Burundian experience illuminates international peacebuilding contradictions. Peacebuilding in Burundi highlights the complex interplay between outside ideas and interests, and multiple Burundian ideas and interests. This is illustrated by the negotiation and implementation of governance institutions and practices in Burundi. Outsiders promoted governance ideas that were in line with their favoured conception of peacebuilding, and Burundian politicians renegotiated and reinterpreted these institutions and practices. Even as international rhetoric about peacebuilding emphasized liberal governance and inclusive participation, narrower conceptions of peacebuilding as stabilization and control became dominant. Thus, encounters between international, regional, and local actors have produced governance arrangements that are at odds with their liberal and inclusionary rhetorics. Paradoxically, the activities of international peacebuilders have contributed to an ‘order’ in Burundi where violence, coercion, and militarism remain central.
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/446 (2013) . - 72-91[article] The international peacebuilding paradox: Power sharing and post-conflict governance in Burundi [texte imprimé] / Devon Curtis, Auteur . - 2013 . - 72-91.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/446 (2013) . - 72-91
Résumé : At first glance, Burundi represents a successful negotiated transition to peaceful governance through power sharing, and a justification for regional and international peacebuilders' involvement. It is undeniable that Burundi is safer than it was a decade or two ago. Most notably, while Burundi was once known for its ethnic divisions and antagonism, today ethnicity is no longer the most salient feature around which conflict is generated. Nevertheless, this article argues that the Burundian experience illuminates international peacebuilding contradictions. Peacebuilding in Burundi highlights the complex interplay between outside ideas and interests, and multiple Burundian ideas and interests. This is illustrated by the negotiation and implementation of governance institutions and practices in Burundi. Outsiders promoted governance ideas that were in line with their favoured conception of peacebuilding, and Burundian politicians renegotiated and reinterpreted these institutions and practices. Even as international rhetoric about peacebuilding emphasized liberal governance and inclusive participation, narrower conceptions of peacebuilding as stabilization and control became dominant. Thus, encounters between international, regional, and local actors have produced governance arrangements that are at odds with their liberal and inclusionary rhetorics. Paradoxically, the activities of international peacebuilders have contributed to an ‘order’ in Burundi where violence, coercion, and militarism remain central. Negotiating China / Giles Mohan in African Affairs, Vol. 112/446 (2013)
[article]
Titre : Negotiating China : Reinserting African agency into China–Africa relations Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Giles Mohan, Auteur ; Ben Lampert, Auteur Année de publication : 2013 Article en page(s) : 92-110 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : Most analyses of China's renewed engagement with Africa treat China as the driving force, and little recognition is given to the role of African agency, especially beyond the level of state elites. This article investigates the extent of African agency in engagements with China and argues that at various levels African actors have negotiated, shaped, and even driven Chinese engagements in important ways. Suggesting a theoretical framework that captures agency both within and beyond the state, the article provides an empirical analysis of African agency first by showing how elements of the Angolan state created a hybrid set of institutions to broker Chinese investment projects, and second by discussing how African social actors have influenced and derived benefits from the activities of Chinese migrants in Ghana and Nigeria. While both cases demonstrate African agency, the ability of African actors to exercise such agency is highly uneven, placing African politics at the heart of any understanding of China–Africa relations.
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/446 (2013) . - 92-110[article] Negotiating China : Reinserting African agency into China–Africa relations [texte imprimé] / Giles Mohan, Auteur ; Ben Lampert, Auteur . - 2013 . - 92-110.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/446 (2013) . - 92-110
Résumé : Most analyses of China's renewed engagement with Africa treat China as the driving force, and little recognition is given to the role of African agency, especially beyond the level of state elites. This article investigates the extent of African agency in engagements with China and argues that at various levels African actors have negotiated, shaped, and even driven Chinese engagements in important ways. Suggesting a theoretical framework that captures agency both within and beyond the state, the article provides an empirical analysis of African agency first by showing how elements of the Angolan state created a hybrid set of institutions to broker Chinese investment projects, and second by discussing how African social actors have influenced and derived benefits from the activities of Chinese migrants in Ghana and Nigeria. While both cases demonstrate African agency, the ability of African actors to exercise such agency is highly uneven, placing African politics at the heart of any understanding of China–Africa relations. Constitutional provisions and executive succession: Malawi's 2012 transition in comparative perspective / Kim Yi Dionne in African Affairs, Vol. 112/446 (2013)
[article]
Titre : Constitutional provisions and executive succession: Malawi's 2012 transition in comparative perspective Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Kim Yi Dionne, Auteur ; Boniface Dulani, Auteur Année de publication : 2013 Article en page(s) : 111-137 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : our African leaders died in 2012. This article explores the constellation of factors that together led to a constitutional succession after President Bingu wa Mutharika's death in Malawi, despite plotting by the late President's allies to circumvent the constitution and install their own candidate over Vice-President Joyce Banda. We present data on executive deaths in office since 1961 and executive transfers of power 2010–12 in order to situate the Malawi transition within the broader African context, and draw especially on comparisons to executive successions that followed the death-in-office of presidents in Nigeria (2010) and Zambia (2008). We assert from these cases that constitutional provisions on executive succession are necessary in precipitating peaceful transitions, but also argue that periods of delay indicate that such provisions are insufficient on their own. We contend that presidential death is more likely to lead to transition than presidential incapacity. The Malawian case in particular illustrates how a constitutional transition requires support from key actors, particularly the Cabinet, military leaders, judiciary, civil society, and the independent media. Public rejection of military or authoritarian rule, and the growing precedent for constitutional succession in Africa, are additional drivers of peaceful transitions.
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/446 (2013) . - 111-137[article] Constitutional provisions and executive succession: Malawi's 2012 transition in comparative perspective [texte imprimé] / Kim Yi Dionne, Auteur ; Boniface Dulani, Auteur . - 2013 . - 111-137.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/446 (2013) . - 111-137
Résumé : our African leaders died in 2012. This article explores the constellation of factors that together led to a constitutional succession after President Bingu wa Mutharika's death in Malawi, despite plotting by the late President's allies to circumvent the constitution and install their own candidate over Vice-President Joyce Banda. We present data on executive deaths in office since 1961 and executive transfers of power 2010–12 in order to situate the Malawi transition within the broader African context, and draw especially on comparisons to executive successions that followed the death-in-office of presidents in Nigeria (2010) and Zambia (2008). We assert from these cases that constitutional provisions on executive succession are necessary in precipitating peaceful transitions, but also argue that periods of delay indicate that such provisions are insufficient on their own. We contend that presidential death is more likely to lead to transition than presidential incapacity. The Malawian case in particular illustrates how a constitutional transition requires support from key actors, particularly the Cabinet, military leaders, judiciary, civil society, and the independent media. Public rejection of military or authoritarian rule, and the growing precedent for constitutional succession in Africa, are additional drivers of peaceful transitions. Briefing: For richer, for poorer: GDP revisions and Africa's statistical tragedy / Morten Jerven in African Affairs, Vol. 112/446 (2013)
[article]
Titre : Briefing: For richer, for poorer: GDP revisions and Africa's statistical tragedy Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Morten Jerven, Auteur Année de publication : 2013 Article en page(s) : 138-147 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé :
On 5 November 2010, Ghana Statistical Services announced that it was revising the GDP estimates upwards by over 60 percent, suggesting that in previous GDP estimates economic activities worth about US$13 billion had been missed. After the revision a range of new activities were accounted for, and as a result Ghana was suddenly upgraded from a low-income country to a lower-middle-income country. In the fall of 2011 Nigeria also announced a forthcoming upward revision of its GDP. Without presenting the public with any facts or figures, nor a date for the revision, it was announced by the director of the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics that Nigeria soon would join Ghana in escaping poverty according to official statistics.
This briefing first traces how the development community reacted to the news of the upward revision, before clarifying why Ghana became a lower-middle-income country overnight. It is very tempting to assume that this process was the result of tampering with numbers to gain political advantage, but I show that the upward revision did have a factual grounding and that it was done according to the book. The acknowledgement that the revision was undertaken according to the rules is actually more startling than if this was just sheer political manipulation of numbers, as it highlights the discrepancy between economic realities and the statistical metrics used to express and analyse wealth and poverty. The consequences for the comparisons of development across time and space in sub-Saharan Africa are mind-boggling, and the briefing considers the implications and likelihood of such revisions beyond Nigeria and Ghana. Finally, the briefing reassesses the production of development statistics in sub-Saharan Africa in the light of these game-changing revisions.
Reactions to Ghana's GDP revision
According to provisional estimates by the old methods and sources, Ghana's GDP was about 25.5 billion Ghanaian …
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/446 (2013) . - 138-147[article] Briefing: For richer, for poorer: GDP revisions and Africa's statistical tragedy [texte imprimé] / Morten Jerven, Auteur . - 2013 . - 138-147.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/446 (2013) . - 138-147
Résumé :
On 5 November 2010, Ghana Statistical Services announced that it was revising the GDP estimates upwards by over 60 percent, suggesting that in previous GDP estimates economic activities worth about US$13 billion had been missed. After the revision a range of new activities were accounted for, and as a result Ghana was suddenly upgraded from a low-income country to a lower-middle-income country. In the fall of 2011 Nigeria also announced a forthcoming upward revision of its GDP. Without presenting the public with any facts or figures, nor a date for the revision, it was announced by the director of the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics that Nigeria soon would join Ghana in escaping poverty according to official statistics.
This briefing first traces how the development community reacted to the news of the upward revision, before clarifying why Ghana became a lower-middle-income country overnight. It is very tempting to assume that this process was the result of tampering with numbers to gain political advantage, but I show that the upward revision did have a factual grounding and that it was done according to the book. The acknowledgement that the revision was undertaken according to the rules is actually more startling than if this was just sheer political manipulation of numbers, as it highlights the discrepancy between economic realities and the statistical metrics used to express and analyse wealth and poverty. The consequences for the comparisons of development across time and space in sub-Saharan Africa are mind-boggling, and the briefing considers the implications and likelihood of such revisions beyond Nigeria and Ghana. Finally, the briefing reassesses the production of development statistics in sub-Saharan Africa in the light of these game-changing revisions.
Reactions to Ghana's GDP revision
According to provisional estimates by the old methods and sources, Ghana's GDP was about 25.5 billion Ghanaian …