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African Affairs . Vol. 111/444Mention de date : 2012 Paru le : 20/07/2012 |
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Ajouter le résultat dans votre panierExtraversion, vulnerability to donors, and political liberalization in Africa / Caryn Peiffer in African Affairs, Vol. 111/444 (2012)
[article]
Titre : Extraversion, vulnerability to donors, and political liberalization in Africa Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Caryn Peiffer, Auteur ; Pierre Englebert, Auteur Année de publication : 2012 Article en page(s) : 355-378 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : In seeking to maintain their power, many African regimes rely on strategies of extraversion, converting their dependent relations with the external world into domestic resources and authority. This article assesses the relationship between extraversion and political liberalization, a dimension of African democratization that has been somewhat underappreciated in recent empirical studies. African countries vary in their extraversion portfolios, or the dimensions of their relations to the outside world that they can instrumentalize, and these variations correspond both to different degrees of vulnerability to the demands of foreign donors and to different preferences from the donors themselves. We find four quantitative measures of extraversion vulnerability to be statistically associated with the initial transitions of the 1989–1995 period and with the ‘consolidations’ at different levels of democracy observable between 1995 and 2011. These findings shed new light on both democratic and hybrid regime trajectories in Africa.
in African Affairs > Vol. 111/444 (2012) . - 355-378[article] Extraversion, vulnerability to donors, and political liberalization in Africa [texte imprimé] / Caryn Peiffer, Auteur ; Pierre Englebert, Auteur . - 2012 . - 355-378.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 111/444 (2012) . - 355-378
Résumé : In seeking to maintain their power, many African regimes rely on strategies of extraversion, converting their dependent relations with the external world into domestic resources and authority. This article assesses the relationship between extraversion and political liberalization, a dimension of African democratization that has been somewhat underappreciated in recent empirical studies. African countries vary in their extraversion portfolios, or the dimensions of their relations to the outside world that they can instrumentalize, and these variations correspond both to different degrees of vulnerability to the demands of foreign donors and to different preferences from the donors themselves. We find four quantitative measures of extraversion vulnerability to be statistically associated with the initial transitions of the 1989–1995 period and with the ‘consolidations’ at different levels of democracy observable between 1995 and 2011. These findings shed new light on both democratic and hybrid regime trajectories in Africa. Developmental patrimonialism? The case of Rwanda / David Booth in African Affairs, Vol. 111/444 (2012)
[article]
Titre : Developmental patrimonialism? The case of Rwanda Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : David Booth, Auteur ; Frederick Golooba-Mutebi, Auteur Année de publication : 2012 Article en page(s) : 379-403 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : Academic debate on Rwanda has significant thematic gaps, and does not usually make use of a theoretically informed comparative framework. This article addresses one thematic gap – the distinctive approach of the RPF-led regime to political involvement in the private sector of the economy. It does so using the framework of a cross-national study which aims to distinguish between more and less developmental forms of neo-patrimonial politics. The article analyses the RPF's private business operations centred on the holding company known successively as Tri-Star Investments and Crystal Ventures Ltd. These operations are shown to involve the kind of centralized generation and management of economic rents that has distinguished the more developmental regimes of Asia and Africa. The operations of the military investment company Horizon and of the public–private consortium Rwanda Investment Group may be seen in a similar light. With some qualifications, we conclude that Rwanda should be seen as a developmental patrimonial state.
in African Affairs > Vol. 111/444 (2012) . - 379-403[article] Developmental patrimonialism? The case of Rwanda [texte imprimé] / David Booth, Auteur ; Frederick Golooba-Mutebi, Auteur . - 2012 . - 379-403.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 111/444 (2012) . - 379-403
Résumé : Academic debate on Rwanda has significant thematic gaps, and does not usually make use of a theoretically informed comparative framework. This article addresses one thematic gap – the distinctive approach of the RPF-led regime to political involvement in the private sector of the economy. It does so using the framework of a cross-national study which aims to distinguish between more and less developmental forms of neo-patrimonial politics. The article analyses the RPF's private business operations centred on the holding company known successively as Tri-Star Investments and Crystal Ventures Ltd. These operations are shown to involve the kind of centralized generation and management of economic rents that has distinguished the more developmental regimes of Asia and Africa. The operations of the military investment company Horizon and of the public–private consortium Rwanda Investment Group may be seen in a similar light. With some qualifications, we conclude that Rwanda should be seen as a developmental patrimonial state. Managing donor perceptions: Contextualizing Uganda's 2007 intervention in Somalia / Jonathan Fisher in African Affairs, Vol. 111/444 (2012)
[article]
Titre : Managing donor perceptions: Contextualizing Uganda's 2007 intervention in Somalia Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Jonathan Fisher, Auteur Année de publication : 2012 Article en page(s) : 404-423 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : This article explores Uganda's decision to send peacekeeping troops to Somalia in 2007 as part of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) and argues that the intervention has as much to do with Uganda's relationship with its donors as it has with maintaining regional stability – the official justification for intervention. Museveni's decision to intervene in Somalia is the most recent example of his regime's multi-pronged ‘image management’ strategy in which the President has involved Uganda in numerous foreign and domestic activities to ensure that donors perceive his government in a particular way vis-à-vis their interests: as an economic success story, a guarantor of regional stability, or, in relation to Somalia, an ally in the global war on terror. In so doing Museveni's strategy, conceptualized here within a constructivist framework, has been able largely to avoid censure in areas of traditional donor concern such as governance, thereby achieving a considerable degree of agency in a seemingly asymmetric relationship.
in African Affairs > Vol. 111/444 (2012) . - 404-423[article] Managing donor perceptions: Contextualizing Uganda's 2007 intervention in Somalia [texte imprimé] / Jonathan Fisher, Auteur . - 2012 . - 404-423.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 111/444 (2012) . - 404-423
Résumé : This article explores Uganda's decision to send peacekeeping troops to Somalia in 2007 as part of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) and argues that the intervention has as much to do with Uganda's relationship with its donors as it has with maintaining regional stability – the official justification for intervention. Museveni's decision to intervene in Somalia is the most recent example of his regime's multi-pronged ‘image management’ strategy in which the President has involved Uganda in numerous foreign and domestic activities to ensure that donors perceive his government in a particular way vis-à-vis their interests: as an economic success story, a guarantor of regional stability, or, in relation to Somalia, an ally in the global war on terror. In so doing Museveni's strategy, conceptualized here within a constructivist framework, has been able largely to avoid censure in areas of traditional donor concern such as governance, thereby achieving a considerable degree of agency in a seemingly asymmetric relationship. Historicity, power, dissidence: The third-generation poetry and military oppression in Nigeria / Sule E. Egya in African Affairs, Vol. 111/444 (2012)
[article]
Titre : Historicity, power, dissidence: The third-generation poetry and military oppression in Nigeria Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Sule E. Egya, Auteur Année de publication : 2012 Article en page(s) : 424-441 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : Modern Nigerian poetry in English has proved to be a significant medium of action against authoritarian leadership in Nigeria. In historicizing the socio-political condition of regimes, Nigerian poets have responded to circumstances distinct to their historical period. This article examines the work of the younger writers widely regarded as the third generation of Nigerian poets, the condition of its production, and its ‘generational’ response to the dictatorships of General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida (1985–93) and the late General Sani Abacha (1993–8). The article argues that while older Nigerian poets also responded to the intense oppression caused by these regimes, the third generation poets represent one of the prominent counter-hegemonic cultural practices in the decade between the 1980s and the 1990s. United by a collective spirit, they raise a generational, coherent counter-hegemonic discourse against these regimes, despite the difficulties they had to face. The article is an attempt to map out this new, relatively unknown poetry and what might be called its aesthetics of rage.
in African Affairs > Vol. 111/444 (2012) . - 424-441[article] Historicity, power, dissidence: The third-generation poetry and military oppression in Nigeria [texte imprimé] / Sule E. Egya, Auteur . - 2012 . - 424-441.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 111/444 (2012) . - 424-441
Résumé : Modern Nigerian poetry in English has proved to be a significant medium of action against authoritarian leadership in Nigeria. In historicizing the socio-political condition of regimes, Nigerian poets have responded to circumstances distinct to their historical period. This article examines the work of the younger writers widely regarded as the third generation of Nigerian poets, the condition of its production, and its ‘generational’ response to the dictatorships of General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida (1985–93) and the late General Sani Abacha (1993–8). The article argues that while older Nigerian poets also responded to the intense oppression caused by these regimes, the third generation poets represent one of the prominent counter-hegemonic cultural practices in the decade between the 1980s and the 1990s. United by a collective spirit, they raise a generational, coherent counter-hegemonic discourse against these regimes, despite the difficulties they had to face. The article is an attempt to map out this new, relatively unknown poetry and what might be called its aesthetics of rage. Control, politics and identity in the Angolan Civil War / Justin Pearce in African Affairs, Vol. 111/444 (2012)
[article]
Titre : Control, politics and identity in the Angolan Civil War Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Justin Pearce, Auteur Année de publication : 2012 Article en page(s) : 442-465 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : This article explores political mobilization, legitimacy, and identity in the Angolan Central Highlands from the anti-colonial struggle of the 1960s until the end of the civil war in 2002. It examines how the rival movements, MPLA and UNITA, competed for support, and considers the nature of the relationships between political-military elites and the Angolan people. Whereas much scholarship on civil war has focused on the emergence of rebellions against the state, I argue that such an approach to the Angolan war is inappropriate since both protagonists were founded as anti-colonial movements and both organizations developed characteristics of states to different degrees. Central to each party's narrative was an ideology of the state as a complex of ideas and practices that linked together responsibilities towards the population, prerogatives of violence, and the identity of the nation. People expressed support for either or both movements in terms of common interest and identity, which in turn were shaped by the political education of the movement in control at the time.
in African Affairs > Vol. 111/444 (2012) . - 442-465[article] Control, politics and identity in the Angolan Civil War [texte imprimé] / Justin Pearce, Auteur . - 2012 . - 442-465.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 111/444 (2012) . - 442-465
Résumé : This article explores political mobilization, legitimacy, and identity in the Angolan Central Highlands from the anti-colonial struggle of the 1960s until the end of the civil war in 2002. It examines how the rival movements, MPLA and UNITA, competed for support, and considers the nature of the relationships between political-military elites and the Angolan people. Whereas much scholarship on civil war has focused on the emergence of rebellions against the state, I argue that such an approach to the Angolan war is inappropriate since both protagonists were founded as anti-colonial movements and both organizations developed characteristics of states to different degrees. Central to each party's narrative was an ideology of the state as a complex of ideas and practices that linked together responsibilities towards the population, prerogatives of violence, and the identity of the nation. People expressed support for either or both movements in terms of common interest and identity, which in turn were shaped by the political education of the movement in control at the time. Botswana as A ‘Development-Oriented Gate-Keeping state’: A Response / Ian Taylor in African Affairs, Vol. 111/444 (2012)
[article]
Titre : Botswana as A ‘Development-Oriented Gate-Keeping state’: A Response Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Ian Taylor, Auteur Année de publication : 2012 Article en page(s) : 466-476 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : Ellen Hillbom's contribution to the debate on the nature of the state in Botswana is most welcome. The relative success, despite important qualifiers, of Gaborone stands in stark contrast to many of its neighbours. Explaining this is important for studies of comparative African development. However, I disagree with Hillbom's negation of Botswana as a developmental state and her characterization of it as a gate-keeping state. Instead, I would argue that Botswana is an example of a state that has broadly pursued certain policies in the construction of a formative hegemony, to use Antonio Gramsci's concept. Doing so has led to what might be regarded as a developmental state to emerge – a state that pursues policies that coordinate investment plans; has a national development vision (implying that the state is an entrepreneurial agent); engages in institution building to promote growth and development; and, finally, plays a role in domestic conflict management. A key theorist of the developmental state, T. J. Pempel, indeed argues that ‘These fusions of state and society are reflected in specific public policy profiles akin to what Antonio Gramsci called “hegemonic projects”.
Six major components define the developmental state model: a determined developmental elite; relative autonomy; a powerful, competent and insulated bureaucracy; a weak and subordinated civil society; the effective management of non-state economic interests; and legitimacy and performance. Botswana's state since independence conforms to such indicators, managed by the Botswana Democrtaic Party (BDP). Its authoritarian nature alongside such features of its political economy is in keeping with ‘typical’ developmental states.
in African Affairs > Vol. 111/444 (2012) . - 466-476[article] Botswana as A ‘Development-Oriented Gate-Keeping state’: A Response [texte imprimé] / Ian Taylor, Auteur . - 2012 . - 466-476.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 111/444 (2012) . - 466-476
Résumé : Ellen Hillbom's contribution to the debate on the nature of the state in Botswana is most welcome. The relative success, despite important qualifiers, of Gaborone stands in stark contrast to many of its neighbours. Explaining this is important for studies of comparative African development. However, I disagree with Hillbom's negation of Botswana as a developmental state and her characterization of it as a gate-keeping state. Instead, I would argue that Botswana is an example of a state that has broadly pursued certain policies in the construction of a formative hegemony, to use Antonio Gramsci's concept. Doing so has led to what might be regarded as a developmental state to emerge – a state that pursues policies that coordinate investment plans; has a national development vision (implying that the state is an entrepreneurial agent); engages in institution building to promote growth and development; and, finally, plays a role in domestic conflict management. A key theorist of the developmental state, T. J. Pempel, indeed argues that ‘These fusions of state and society are reflected in specific public policy profiles akin to what Antonio Gramsci called “hegemonic projects”.
Six major components define the developmental state model: a determined developmental elite; relative autonomy; a powerful, competent and insulated bureaucracy; a weak and subordinated civil society; the effective management of non-state economic interests; and legitimacy and performance. Botswana's state since independence conforms to such indicators, managed by the Botswana Democrtaic Party (BDP). Its authoritarian nature alongside such features of its political economy is in keeping with ‘typical’ developmental states.Botswana: A Development-Oriented Gate-Keeping state – A Reply to Ian Taylor / Ellen Hillbom in African Affairs, Vol. 111/444 (2012)
[article]
Titre : Botswana: A Development-Oriented Gate-Keeping state – A Reply to Ian Taylor Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Ellen Hillbom, Auteur Année de publication : 2012 Article en page(s) : 477-482 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : I am delighted that my article ‘Botswana: a development-oriented gate-keeping state’ has instigated a debate with such a distinguished scholar as Ian Taylor. While post-independence Botswana is well known for economic growth, social development, and a maturing formal democracy, how we understand and interpret the drivers and substance of this success story has become increasingly controversial. I believe that instead of being content with Botswana's present achievements it is justifiable to ask: What is required for the country to erase poverty, develop its rural areas, achieve a diversified and sustainable economy and society, and become a high-income country characterized by modern economic growth, inclusive of social welfare and full political freedoms? It is in relation to such ambitions that it is imperative to understand the development potential of the existing state structure. I claim that with the present state structure there is significant risk that Botswana will stagnate rather than develop further, especially considering the possibility that the country will run out of profitable mineral deposits in the future and the militarization of politics that some argue is taking place under President Ian Khama.1 Given this, I argue that if the country is to continue and improve its development trajectory, structural change will be necessary. The facts of Botswana's post-1966 development have been presented in a rich body of literature and I do not believe that the controversy here is about the reliability of the facts. Instead, it is the interpretation of them and what inferences are to be drawn from them that is being discussed. This is far from a simple exercise in the sense that Botswana may not be a clear-cut case of any state model. Even Taylor himself writes that ‘Botswana is an example of a state that has pursued certain policies … [which have led] … what might be …
in African Affairs > Vol. 111/444 (2012) . - 477-482[article] Botswana: A Development-Oriented Gate-Keeping state – A Reply to Ian Taylor [texte imprimé] / Ellen Hillbom, Auteur . - 2012 . - 477-482.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 111/444 (2012) . - 477-482
Résumé : I am delighted that my article ‘Botswana: a development-oriented gate-keeping state’ has instigated a debate with such a distinguished scholar as Ian Taylor. While post-independence Botswana is well known for economic growth, social development, and a maturing formal democracy, how we understand and interpret the drivers and substance of this success story has become increasingly controversial. I believe that instead of being content with Botswana's present achievements it is justifiable to ask: What is required for the country to erase poverty, develop its rural areas, achieve a diversified and sustainable economy and society, and become a high-income country characterized by modern economic growth, inclusive of social welfare and full political freedoms? It is in relation to such ambitions that it is imperative to understand the development potential of the existing state structure. I claim that with the present state structure there is significant risk that Botswana will stagnate rather than develop further, especially considering the possibility that the country will run out of profitable mineral deposits in the future and the militarization of politics that some argue is taking place under President Ian Khama.1 Given this, I argue that if the country is to continue and improve its development trajectory, structural change will be necessary. The facts of Botswana's post-1966 development have been presented in a rich body of literature and I do not believe that the controversy here is about the reliability of the facts. Instead, it is the interpretation of them and what inferences are to be drawn from them that is being discussed. This is far from a simple exercise in the sense that Botswana may not be a clear-cut case of any state model. Even Taylor himself writes that ‘Botswana is an example of a state that has pursued certain policies … [which have led] … what might be … Briefing Rumours and realities of Chinese agricultural engagement in Mozambique / Deborah Bräutigam in African Affairs, Vol. 111/444 (2012)
[article]
Titre : Briefing Rumours and realities of Chinese agricultural engagement in Mozambique Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Deborah Bräutigam, Auteur ; Sigrid-Marianella Stensrud Ekman, Auteur Année de publication : 2012 Article en page(s) : 483-492 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : FOREIGN INTEREST IN LARGE LAND ACQUISITIONS IN AFRICA began to hit the headlines in 2007 and 2008. China, a net food importer since 2004, was seen as one of the chief players in this rush for land. Mozambique has often been cited in support of the widespread conclusion that the Chinese government is directly seeking land in Africa for China's own food security.1 This briefing shows that the much-circulated picture of Chinese agricultural activities in Mozambique is closer to fiction than fact. That the conventional wisdom on Mozambique can be so far from reality calls into question the picture in other African countries as well.
Worries about the developmental impact of large-scale land investment are well-founded. Large land transfers are bound to raise alarms, and more so if the land is communally owned or occupied by subsistence farmers, or in a food-deficit region. Furthermore, many believe that Chinese companies will not simply invest in a search for profit, but will act primarily to advance Beijing's national security goals.2 Chinese foreign investment in land evokes fears of loss of national control, hence the parallels that are frequently drawn with neo-colonialism.
Beginning in 2008, multiple reports emerged stating that Beijing and Maputo had (1) signed agreements in 2006 or 2007 to import tens of thousands of Chinese farmers into Mozambique to produce rice for China; (2) that local outrage had scuttled these plans; but (3) that the Chinese government had still pledged to invest US$800 million to modernize Mozambique's rice sector to supply the Chinese market.3 This three-part story was circulated globally, cited often, and, as noted below, became fundamental to analyses of Chinese engagement in agriculture in Africa more generally.
Intrigued by these reports and their implications, we travelled to Mozambique, separately, in 2009, 2010, and …
in African Affairs > Vol. 111/444 (2012) . - 483-492[article] Briefing Rumours and realities of Chinese agricultural engagement in Mozambique [texte imprimé] / Deborah Bräutigam, Auteur ; Sigrid-Marianella Stensrud Ekman, Auteur . - 2012 . - 483-492.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 111/444 (2012) . - 483-492
Résumé : FOREIGN INTEREST IN LARGE LAND ACQUISITIONS IN AFRICA began to hit the headlines in 2007 and 2008. China, a net food importer since 2004, was seen as one of the chief players in this rush for land. Mozambique has often been cited in support of the widespread conclusion that the Chinese government is directly seeking land in Africa for China's own food security.1 This briefing shows that the much-circulated picture of Chinese agricultural activities in Mozambique is closer to fiction than fact. That the conventional wisdom on Mozambique can be so far from reality calls into question the picture in other African countries as well.
Worries about the developmental impact of large-scale land investment are well-founded. Large land transfers are bound to raise alarms, and more so if the land is communally owned or occupied by subsistence farmers, or in a food-deficit region. Furthermore, many believe that Chinese companies will not simply invest in a search for profit, but will act primarily to advance Beijing's national security goals.2 Chinese foreign investment in land evokes fears of loss of national control, hence the parallels that are frequently drawn with neo-colonialism.
Beginning in 2008, multiple reports emerged stating that Beijing and Maputo had (1) signed agreements in 2006 or 2007 to import tens of thousands of Chinese farmers into Mozambique to produce rice for China; (2) that local outrage had scuttled these plans; but (3) that the Chinese government had still pledged to invest US$800 million to modernize Mozambique's rice sector to supply the Chinese market.3 This three-part story was circulated globally, cited often, and, as noted below, became fundamental to analyses of Chinese engagement in agriculture in Africa more generally.
Intrigued by these reports and their implications, we travelled to Mozambique, separately, in 2009, 2010, and …