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African Affairs . Vol. 112/447Mention de date : 2013 Paru le : 13/04/2013 |
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Ajouter le résultat dans votre panierAlem Bekagn / Alex de Waal in African Affairs, Vol. 112/447 (2013)
[article]
Titre : Alem Bekagn : The African Union's accidental human rights memorial Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Alex de Waal, Auteur ; Rachel Ibreck, Auteur Année de publication : 2013 Article en page(s) : 191-215 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : The African Union's new offices in Addis Ababa stand upon the site of the city's former central prison, known as Alem Bekagn, where thousands of people suffered and died. This article traces the history of the prison and examines efforts to create a memorial at the site. These initiatives illustrate the African Union (AU) in transition. They echo AU commitments to act against atrocities and in support of rights and justice and suggest a distinct vision of pan-African community and a corresponding institutional culture. But, much like the AU itself, the meaning of the planned memorial is ambivalent and contested. The fact that the AU bulldozed Ethiopia's most notorious prison in order to establish its new offices and a conference hall is richly symbolic of ‘buried memory’ – the tendency of post-colonial elites to suppress the memory of victims of state violence while celebrating chosen heroes. The AU still venerates leaders and is quiet about current violations, but the organization's promise and process to remember the ordinary victims of state violence indicate a political opening and may contribute a novel space for the recounting of human rights abuses.
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/447 (2013) . - 191-215[article] Alem Bekagn : The African Union's accidental human rights memorial [texte imprimé] / Alex de Waal, Auteur ; Rachel Ibreck, Auteur . - 2013 . - 191-215.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/447 (2013) . - 191-215
Résumé : The African Union's new offices in Addis Ababa stand upon the site of the city's former central prison, known as Alem Bekagn, where thousands of people suffered and died. This article traces the history of the prison and examines efforts to create a memorial at the site. These initiatives illustrate the African Union (AU) in transition. They echo AU commitments to act against atrocities and in support of rights and justice and suggest a distinct vision of pan-African community and a corresponding institutional culture. But, much like the AU itself, the meaning of the planned memorial is ambivalent and contested. The fact that the AU bulldozed Ethiopia's most notorious prison in order to establish its new offices and a conference hall is richly symbolic of ‘buried memory’ – the tendency of post-colonial elites to suppress the memory of victims of state violence while celebrating chosen heroes. The AU still venerates leaders and is quiet about current violations, but the organization's promise and process to remember the ordinary victims of state violence indicate a political opening and may contribute a novel space for the recounting of human rights abuses. Guns, land, and votes / Clemens Greiner in African Affairs, Vol. 112/447 (2013)
[article]
Titre : Guns, land, and votes : Cattle rustling and the politics of boundary (re)making in Northern Kenya Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Clemens Greiner, Auteur Année de publication : 2013 Article en page(s) : 216-237 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : This article examines the changing uses of political rhetoric around the burial of Julius Nyerere in 1999. It argues that the ruling party uses rhetoric as a means of ‘soft power’, but also documents how this rhetoric, though geared towards legitimizing Nyerere's successors, employed tropes that were rejected by some people and were used by others to critique leaders who were perceived to lack the selfless integrity attributed to Nyerere. The article compares funerary songs by a government-sponsored band, popular at the time of Nyerere's death, with memories of Nyerere in rural areas in the early to mid-2000s. While the image of Nyerere in the funeral songs as a benign family patriarch writ large still persists, it coexists with strongly divergent constructions of Nyerere as an authoritarian ruler or a self-seeking profiteer. Moreover, the ‘official’, benign Nyerere has been employed not only by government and party faithful, but also by striking workers, opposition politicians, and critical newspapers as a measure of the shortcomings of his successors. The invocation of Nyerere as a paragon of an endangered ideal of virtue in public office indicates widespread anxieties towards a state that often disappoints but occasionally delivers, in unpredictable turns, and the limits of the government's ability to shut down dissent.
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/447 (2013) . - 216-237[article] Guns, land, and votes : Cattle rustling and the politics of boundary (re)making in Northern Kenya [texte imprimé] / Clemens Greiner, Auteur . - 2013 . - 216-237.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/447 (2013) . - 216-237
Résumé : This article examines the changing uses of political rhetoric around the burial of Julius Nyerere in 1999. It argues that the ruling party uses rhetoric as a means of ‘soft power’, but also documents how this rhetoric, though geared towards legitimizing Nyerere's successors, employed tropes that were rejected by some people and were used by others to critique leaders who were perceived to lack the selfless integrity attributed to Nyerere. The article compares funerary songs by a government-sponsored band, popular at the time of Nyerere's death, with memories of Nyerere in rural areas in the early to mid-2000s. While the image of Nyerere in the funeral songs as a benign family patriarch writ large still persists, it coexists with strongly divergent constructions of Nyerere as an authoritarian ruler or a self-seeking profiteer. Moreover, the ‘official’, benign Nyerere has been employed not only by government and party faithful, but also by striking workers, opposition politicians, and critical newspapers as a measure of the shortcomings of his successors. The invocation of Nyerere as a paragon of an endangered ideal of virtue in public office indicates widespread anxieties towards a state that often disappoints but occasionally delivers, in unpredictable turns, and the limits of the government's ability to shut down dissent. Remembering Nyerere / Felicitas Becker in African Affairs, Vol. 112/447 (2013)
[article]
Titre : Remembering Nyerere : Political rhetoric and dissent in contemporary Tanzania Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Felicitas Becker, Auteur Année de publication : 2013 Article en page(s) : 238-261 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : This article examines the changing uses of political rhetoric around the burial of Julius Nyerere in 1999. It argues that the ruling party uses rhetoric as a means of ‘soft power’, but also documents how this rhetoric, though geared towards legitimizing Nyerere's successors, employed tropes that were rejected by some people and were used by others to critique leaders who were perceived to lack the selfless integrity attributed to Nyerere. The article compares funerary songs by a government-sponsored band, popular at the time of Nyerere's death, with memories of Nyerere in rural areas in the early to mid-2000s. While the image of Nyerere in the funeral songs as a benign family patriarch writ large still persists, it coexists with strongly divergent constructions of Nyerere as an authoritarian ruler or a self-seeking profiteer. Moreover, the ‘official’, benign Nyerere has been employed not only by government and party faithful, but also by striking workers, opposition politicians, and critical newspapers as a measure of the shortcomings of his successors. The invocation of Nyerere as a paragon of an endangered ideal of virtue in public office indicates widespread anxieties towards a state that often disappoints but occasionally delivers, in unpredictable turns, and the limits of the government's ability to shut down dissent.
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/447 (2013) . - 238-261[article] Remembering Nyerere : Political rhetoric and dissent in contemporary Tanzania [texte imprimé] / Felicitas Becker, Auteur . - 2013 . - 238-261.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/447 (2013) . - 238-261
Résumé : This article examines the changing uses of political rhetoric around the burial of Julius Nyerere in 1999. It argues that the ruling party uses rhetoric as a means of ‘soft power’, but also documents how this rhetoric, though geared towards legitimizing Nyerere's successors, employed tropes that were rejected by some people and were used by others to critique leaders who were perceived to lack the selfless integrity attributed to Nyerere. The article compares funerary songs by a government-sponsored band, popular at the time of Nyerere's death, with memories of Nyerere in rural areas in the early to mid-2000s. While the image of Nyerere in the funeral songs as a benign family patriarch writ large still persists, it coexists with strongly divergent constructions of Nyerere as an authoritarian ruler or a self-seeking profiteer. Moreover, the ‘official’, benign Nyerere has been employed not only by government and party faithful, but also by striking workers, opposition politicians, and critical newspapers as a measure of the shortcomings of his successors. The invocation of Nyerere as a paragon of an endangered ideal of virtue in public office indicates widespread anxieties towards a state that often disappoints but occasionally delivers, in unpredictable turns, and the limits of the government's ability to shut down dissent. Sovereignty matters: Africa, donors, and the aid relationship / William Brown in African Affairs, Vol. 112/447 (2013)
[article]
Titre : Sovereignty matters: Africa, donors, and the aid relationship Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : William Brown, Auteur Année de publication : 2013 Article en page(s) : 262-282 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : This article critiques the predominant opinion that aid undermines the sovereignty of African states. This claim implies not only that a recipient state's policy autonomy is curtailed by development assistance, but also more fundamentally that the politico-legal independence of the state itself is being challenged. While the former is often the case, the latter is not. Drawing a conceptual and analytical distinction between sovereignty as a right to rule and national control over policy and outcomes, the article develops a more accurate identification of the areas in which aid, as a particular form of external influence, does and does not have an impact on recipient states. It argues that sovereignty as a right to rule constitutes the very basis of the aid relationship, and endows African states with the agency with which to contest the terms of aid deals. The article thus provides a new reading of the politics of aid and, by reasserting the centrality of sovereignty as an organizing institution in contemporary aid relations, supports rather than questions the relevance of the discipline of International Relations to African studies.
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/447 (2013) . - 262-282[article] Sovereignty matters: Africa, donors, and the aid relationship [texte imprimé] / William Brown, Auteur . - 2013 . - 262-282.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/447 (2013) . - 262-282
Résumé : This article critiques the predominant opinion that aid undermines the sovereignty of African states. This claim implies not only that a recipient state's policy autonomy is curtailed by development assistance, but also more fundamentally that the politico-legal independence of the state itself is being challenged. While the former is often the case, the latter is not. Drawing a conceptual and analytical distinction between sovereignty as a right to rule and national control over policy and outcomes, the article develops a more accurate identification of the areas in which aid, as a particular form of external influence, does and does not have an impact on recipient states. It argues that sovereignty as a right to rule constitutes the very basis of the aid relationship, and endows African states with the agency with which to contest the terms of aid deals. The article thus provides a new reading of the politics of aid and, by reasserting the centrality of sovereignty as an organizing institution in contemporary aid relations, supports rather than questions the relevance of the discipline of International Relations to African studies. Reassessing transition violence / Gary Kynoch in African Affairs, Vol. 112/447 (2013)
[article]
Titre : Reassessing transition violence : Voices from South Africa's township wars, 1990–4 Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Gary Kynoch, Auteur Année de publication : 2013 Article en page(s) : 283-303 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : Drawing on interviews with people involved in the communal violence that traumatized Thokoza and Katlehong townships in the early 1990s, this article challenges the received wisdom regarding transition violence in South Africa. Most significantly, it transcends the dominant narrative that African National Congress (ANC) supporters in the townships were under relentless attack by state security units known as the ‘third force’, along with the co-opted impis of the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP). The evidence presented indicates that Inkatha was responsible for much of the violence, but that ANC-affiliated militants also conducted murderous campaigns. Some police commanders and their units initiated violence for political ends, but different police and military groups operated independently and lacked a uniform political orientation. Some favoured the IFP, some backed the ANC, while others were divided or indifferent. Thus, the narrative that casts the ANC as victims of a state-orchestrated onslaught versus the Inkatha sell-outs who opportunistically sided with the white government (and its security forces) does not accurately capture events on the ground in Thokoza and Katlehong, two of the townships most afflicted by transition violence. A more fractured, less partisan picture emerges from the voices of those who survived the township wars.
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/447 (2013) . - 283-303[article] Reassessing transition violence : Voices from South Africa's township wars, 1990–4 [texte imprimé] / Gary Kynoch, Auteur . - 2013 . - 283-303.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/447 (2013) . - 283-303
Résumé : Drawing on interviews with people involved in the communal violence that traumatized Thokoza and Katlehong townships in the early 1990s, this article challenges the received wisdom regarding transition violence in South Africa. Most significantly, it transcends the dominant narrative that African National Congress (ANC) supporters in the townships were under relentless attack by state security units known as the ‘third force’, along with the co-opted impis of the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP). The evidence presented indicates that Inkatha was responsible for much of the violence, but that ANC-affiliated militants also conducted murderous campaigns. Some police commanders and their units initiated violence for political ends, but different police and military groups operated independently and lacked a uniform political orientation. Some favoured the IFP, some backed the ANC, while others were divided or indifferent. Thus, the narrative that casts the ANC as victims of a state-orchestrated onslaught versus the Inkatha sell-outs who opportunistically sided with the white government (and its security forces) does not accurately capture events on the ground in Thokoza and Katlehong, two of the townships most afflicted by transition violence. A more fractured, less partisan picture emerges from the voices of those who survived the township wars. Briefing / Michaël Bratton in African Affairs, Vol. 112/447 (2013)
[article]
Titre : Briefing : Citizens and cell phones in Africa Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Michaël Bratton, Auteur Année de publication : 2013 Article en page(s) : 304-319 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé :
This briefing explores some political implications of the current boom in information and communications technology (ICT) in sub-Saharan Africa. As a striking manifestation of globalization, perhaps half of Africa's one billion people are now signed up as subscribers to cellular telephone networks.1 Africans are enthusiastically adopting mobile phone technology, here called ‘cell’ phones. By foregoing landlines in favour of advanced telecom systems, their choices of technology are leapfrogging over other parts of the world.
Evidence is mounting that this modern communications revolution is beginning to have promising economic consequences.2 In Uganda, for example, small farmers are able to check crop prices and order agricultural inputs by making phone calls or sending text messages over cellular networks. In certain pilot projects they are able to obtain customized extension advice and even gain access to microfinance loans.3
Inevitably, social and cultural changes follow, not all of them positive. It seems likely, for instance, that an opportunity gap might emerge between those who possess cell phones and those who do not.4 Household expenditures on communications might also crowd out other, more urgent social needs.5 Moreover, as smart phones with Internet capability catch on in places like South Africa and Kenya, users are exposed to a diverse array of cosmopolitan fashions and ideas, whose cumulative effect is to challenge traditional social values, sometimes provoking a backlash. In Ethiopia, for example, cell-phone communications have stimulated monitoring and controlling behaviours on the part of husbands and wives, straining marital relations.6
But are there political correlates of technological change? Is there a connection between the use of cell phones on the one hand and democratic citizenship on the other? Are cell-phone users more knowledgeable, active, tolerant, and trusting about politics than other citizens in Africa? Or do new technologies have …
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/447 (2013) . - 304-319[article] Briefing : Citizens and cell phones in Africa [texte imprimé] / Michaël Bratton, Auteur . - 2013 . - 304-319.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/447 (2013) . - 304-319
Résumé :
This briefing explores some political implications of the current boom in information and communications technology (ICT) in sub-Saharan Africa. As a striking manifestation of globalization, perhaps half of Africa's one billion people are now signed up as subscribers to cellular telephone networks.1 Africans are enthusiastically adopting mobile phone technology, here called ‘cell’ phones. By foregoing landlines in favour of advanced telecom systems, their choices of technology are leapfrogging over other parts of the world.
Evidence is mounting that this modern communications revolution is beginning to have promising economic consequences.2 In Uganda, for example, small farmers are able to check crop prices and order agricultural inputs by making phone calls or sending text messages over cellular networks. In certain pilot projects they are able to obtain customized extension advice and even gain access to microfinance loans.3
Inevitably, social and cultural changes follow, not all of them positive. It seems likely, for instance, that an opportunity gap might emerge between those who possess cell phones and those who do not.4 Household expenditures on communications might also crowd out other, more urgent social needs.5 Moreover, as smart phones with Internet capability catch on in places like South Africa and Kenya, users are exposed to a diverse array of cosmopolitan fashions and ideas, whose cumulative effect is to challenge traditional social values, sometimes provoking a backlash. In Ethiopia, for example, cell-phone communications have stimulated monitoring and controlling behaviours on the part of husbands and wives, straining marital relations.6
But are there political correlates of technological change? Is there a connection between the use of cell phones on the one hand and democratic citizenship on the other? Are cell-phone users more knowledgeable, active, tolerant, and trusting about politics than other citizens in Africa? Or do new technologies have …