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African Affairs . Vol. 112/448Mention de date : 2013 Paru le : 15/08/2013 |
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Ajouter le résultat dans votre panierThe roots of resilience: Exploring popular support for African traditional authorities / Carolyn Logan in African Affairs, Vol. 112/448 (2013)
[article]
Titre : The roots of resilience: Exploring popular support for African traditional authorities Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Carolyn Logan, Auteur Année de publication : 2013 Article en page(s) : 353-376 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : African traditional authorities have proved to be highly resilient, remaining just as much a part of the ‘modern’ political landscape as any legislature or local council. Analysts draw sharply different conclusions as to whether this resilience is rooted in popular legitimacy, or whether it instead derives from either state sanction or state weakness. In short, the question is whether traditional authorities survive and thrive because of the preferences of the mass public, or only at the behest of the state, and in fact in opposition to the popular will. Data collected in 19 countries reveal an intensity of support for traditional authorities that challenges those who argue that these leaders are unwanted and undemocratic. While Africans find these leaders to be flawed, they enjoy widespread popular legitimacy, and most believe that traditional authorities have an important role to play in local governance. The public values the role traditional authorities play in managing and resolving conflict, and their leadership qualities and accessibility to ordinary people. Evidence also suggests that traditional leaders play an important symbolic role as representatives of community identity, unity, continuity, and stability.
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/448 (2013) . - 353-376[article] The roots of resilience: Exploring popular support for African traditional authorities [texte imprimé] / Carolyn Logan, Auteur . - 2013 . - 353-376.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/448 (2013) . - 353-376
Résumé : African traditional authorities have proved to be highly resilient, remaining just as much a part of the ‘modern’ political landscape as any legislature or local council. Analysts draw sharply different conclusions as to whether this resilience is rooted in popular legitimacy, or whether it instead derives from either state sanction or state weakness. In short, the question is whether traditional authorities survive and thrive because of the preferences of the mass public, or only at the behest of the state, and in fact in opposition to the popular will. Data collected in 19 countries reveal an intensity of support for traditional authorities that challenges those who argue that these leaders are unwanted and undemocratic. While Africans find these leaders to be flawed, they enjoy widespread popular legitimacy, and most believe that traditional authorities have an important role to play in local governance. The public values the role traditional authorities play in managing and resolving conflict, and their leadership qualities and accessibility to ordinary people. Evidence also suggests that traditional leaders play an important symbolic role as representatives of community identity, unity, continuity, and stability. Fighting gender-based violence / Peace A. Medie in African Affairs, Vol. 112/448 (2013)
[article]
Titre : Fighting gender-based violence : The women's movement and the enforcement of rape law in Liberia Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Peace A. Medie, Auteur Année de publication : 2013 Article en page(s) : 377-397 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : Many African states have adopted laws that criminalize rape and other forms of gender-based violence (GBV), but the enforcement of such laws is often weak. Many rape cases are never brought to court and victims are frequently encouraged to accept reconciliation instead of prosecution of offenders. Drawing on research from post-conflict Liberia, this article investigates the ability of women's movements to influence the state's implementation of rape law, and seeks to theorize the relationship between women's activism and the enforcement of rape law. It documents the range of strategies adopted by the Liberian women's movement, and argues that these tactics have contributed to an increased referral of rape cases to court. This was made possible by two conditions: a relatively open political environment and political and material support from international organizations, which in turn enabled women's NGOs to gain access to and make an impression on the implementation process. This demonstrates the capacity of civil society organizations in Africa's more open and internationally connected states to influence policy at the implementation stage–even in particularly challenging areas such as women's rights.
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/448 (2013) . - 377-397[article] Fighting gender-based violence : The women's movement and the enforcement of rape law in Liberia [texte imprimé] / Peace A. Medie, Auteur . - 2013 . - 377-397.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/448 (2013) . - 377-397
Résumé : Many African states have adopted laws that criminalize rape and other forms of gender-based violence (GBV), but the enforcement of such laws is often weak. Many rape cases are never brought to court and victims are frequently encouraged to accept reconciliation instead of prosecution of offenders. Drawing on research from post-conflict Liberia, this article investigates the ability of women's movements to influence the state's implementation of rape law, and seeks to theorize the relationship between women's activism and the enforcement of rape law. It documents the range of strategies adopted by the Liberian women's movement, and argues that these tactics have contributed to an increased referral of rape cases to court. This was made possible by two conditions: a relatively open political environment and political and material support from international organizations, which in turn enabled women's NGOs to gain access to and make an impression on the implementation process. This demonstrates the capacity of civil society organizations in Africa's more open and internationally connected states to influence policy at the implementation stage–even in particularly challenging areas such as women's rights. Democratic revolutionaries or pocketbook protesters? The roots of the 2009–2010 uprisings in Niger / Lisa Mueller in African Affairs, Vol. 112/448 (2013)
[article]
Titre : Democratic revolutionaries or pocketbook protesters? The roots of the 2009–2010 uprisings in Niger Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Lisa Mueller, Auteur Année de publication : 2013 Article en page(s) : 398-420 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : This article investigates whether political or economic grievances were the main driver of the mass demonstrations in Niger in 2009–10, which occurred at a time of famine and the President's attempt to defy the constitution and seek a third term in office. Using original survey data from a quasi-random sample of Niamey residents, the article shows that low prospects of upward mobility are associated with a higher likelihood of protest participation, whereas opposition to the President's anti-constitutional politics is not. Membership in civic organizations is also associated with higher protest participation, but not because these groups are effective at framing the issues: what matters is the capacity of organizations to mobilize individuals. This suggests that civil society may have a galvanizing effect on citizens, even if efforts to win hearts and minds fail. The article concludes that the uprisings were driven mainly by economic grievances, thus contradicting international perceptions of the protests as a public outcry for democracy and casting doubt on the motivations behind supposedly pro-democracy movements, especially in contexts where autocracy and poverty coincide.
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/448 (2013) . - 398-420[article] Democratic revolutionaries or pocketbook protesters? The roots of the 2009–2010 uprisings in Niger [texte imprimé] / Lisa Mueller, Auteur . - 2013 . - 398-420.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/448 (2013) . - 398-420
Résumé : This article investigates whether political or economic grievances were the main driver of the mass demonstrations in Niger in 2009–10, which occurred at a time of famine and the President's attempt to defy the constitution and seek a third term in office. Using original survey data from a quasi-random sample of Niamey residents, the article shows that low prospects of upward mobility are associated with a higher likelihood of protest participation, whereas opposition to the President's anti-constitutional politics is not. Membership in civic organizations is also associated with higher protest participation, but not because these groups are effective at framing the issues: what matters is the capacity of organizations to mobilize individuals. This suggests that civil society may have a galvanizing effect on citizens, even if efforts to win hearts and minds fail. The article concludes that the uprisings were driven mainly by economic grievances, thus contradicting international perceptions of the protests as a public outcry for democracy and casting doubt on the motivations behind supposedly pro-democracy movements, especially in contexts where autocracy and poverty coincide. From warlords to freedom fighters / Sarah M. Mathis in African Affairs, Vol. 112/448 (2013)
[article]
Titre : From warlords to freedom fighters : Political violence and state formation in Umbumbulu, South Africa Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Sarah M. Mathis, Auteur Année de publication : 2013 Article en page(s) : 421-439 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : This article analyses the relationship between violence, the transition from apartheid, and contemporary state formation in South Africa. Through an ethnographic case study of the rural area of Umbumbulu outside Durban in KwaZulu-Natal, the article argues that prevailing interpretations of violence that focus on rivalry between political parties obscure the ways in which other factors – such as local power struggles among customary leaders and strongmen, state support for the rise of warlords, and the recruitment of young men through kinship and patronage networks – helped spread the violence. Local strongmen or warlords were motivated by the quest for power and economic success in their local communities as well as their beliefs in and strategic alliances with national-level political parties engaged in the struggle to end apartheid. In particular, the article focuses on a ‘faction fight’ in the mid-1980s and the subsequent violence that surrounded two warlords affiliated to the African National Congress in a region that was mostly dominated by Inkatha supporters. The alliances the ANC made with these warlords continued into the post-apartheid period and helped shape the ways in which power was exercised within the new political institutions of the democratic state.
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/448 (2013) . - 421-439[article] From warlords to freedom fighters : Political violence and state formation in Umbumbulu, South Africa [texte imprimé] / Sarah M. Mathis, Auteur . - 2013 . - 421-439.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/448 (2013) . - 421-439
Résumé : This article analyses the relationship between violence, the transition from apartheid, and contemporary state formation in South Africa. Through an ethnographic case study of the rural area of Umbumbulu outside Durban in KwaZulu-Natal, the article argues that prevailing interpretations of violence that focus on rivalry between political parties obscure the ways in which other factors – such as local power struggles among customary leaders and strongmen, state support for the rise of warlords, and the recruitment of young men through kinship and patronage networks – helped spread the violence. Local strongmen or warlords were motivated by the quest for power and economic success in their local communities as well as their beliefs in and strategic alliances with national-level political parties engaged in the struggle to end apartheid. In particular, the article focuses on a ‘faction fight’ in the mid-1980s and the subsequent violence that surrounded two warlords affiliated to the African National Congress in a region that was mostly dominated by Inkatha supporters. The alliances the ANC made with these warlords continued into the post-apartheid period and helped shape the ways in which power was exercised within the new political institutions of the democratic state. Songs of a new era: Popular music and political expression in the Ivorian crisis / Anne Schumann in African Affairs, Vol. 112/448 (2013)
[article]
Titre : Songs of a new era: Popular music and political expression in the Ivorian crisis Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Anne Schumann, Auteur Année de publication : 2013 Article en page(s) : 440-459 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : This article examines political discourses in “patriotic” zouglou songs during the Ivorian crisis from 2002 to 2007, and reveals far-reaching and interwoven changes in the conduct of politics in post-Houphouët-Boigny Côte d'Ivoire: a more populist style of politics, a resurgent nationalism, and a newly engaged public sphere. Documenting the infrastructural arrangements that made “patriotic” recordings and performances possible through the activities of political entrepreneurs in the Ivorian music business, the article reveals the struggle of musicians to retain control of their art form. It argues that a new generation of political actors used popular music as a tool of popular mobilization, and that the idioms of “praise” and “protest” do not capture the complex ways in which musicians positioned themselves in relation to politics. Instead, zouglou music became a contested space where politicians from both camps tried to co-opt musicians. The article thus contributes conceptually to the study of popular music and political discourse in Africa, and empirically to our understanding of recent Ivorian political history.
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/448 (2013) . - 440-459[article] Songs of a new era: Popular music and political expression in the Ivorian crisis [texte imprimé] / Anne Schumann, Auteur . - 2013 . - 440-459.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/448 (2013) . - 440-459
Résumé : This article examines political discourses in “patriotic” zouglou songs during the Ivorian crisis from 2002 to 2007, and reveals far-reaching and interwoven changes in the conduct of politics in post-Houphouët-Boigny Côte d'Ivoire: a more populist style of politics, a resurgent nationalism, and a newly engaged public sphere. Documenting the infrastructural arrangements that made “patriotic” recordings and performances possible through the activities of political entrepreneurs in the Ivorian music business, the article reveals the struggle of musicians to retain control of their art form. It argues that a new generation of political actors used popular music as a tool of popular mobilization, and that the idioms of “praise” and “protest” do not capture the complex ways in which musicians positioned themselves in relation to politics. Instead, zouglou music became a contested space where politicians from both camps tried to co-opt musicians. The article thus contributes conceptually to the study of popular music and political discourse in Africa, and empirically to our understanding of recent Ivorian political history. Mali / Susanna D. Wing in African Affairs, Vol. 112/448 (2013)
[article]
Titre : Mali : Politics of a crisis Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Susanna D. Wing, Auteur Année de publication : 2013 Article en page(s) : 476-485 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé :
Mali's presidential elections were only five weeks away when a mutiny in Kati led to the overthrow of President Amadou Toumani Touré, often called ATT. The country's decline into instability appeared to be rapid, but there had been, over time, a consistent erosion of the country's former standing as one of Africa's model democracies. While support for democracy had grown during the first decade of the Third Republic under the presidency of Alpha Oumar Konaré, it dropped steadily under ATT.1 In the months leading up to the March 2012 coup, and the forestalled April 2012 presidential elections, discontent in the country increased dramatically. A resurgent Tuareg rebellion, disgruntled military personnel, and growing tension around a constitutional referendum scheduled to take place at the same time as the presidential election all created a challenging political terrain.
Mali had earned a reputation as a democratic success story and yet the reality was far different. In the two decades following the 1991 coup d'état and the 1992 adoption of the constitution for the Third Republic, Mali had used multiple building blocks of democracy to piece together a precarious structure that would not survive a political crisis. At the same time, a Tuareg separatist insurgency and militant Islamist uprising escalated. While the breakdown of political order, imposition of Shari'a law in the north, and subsequent French military intervention have gained worldwide attention, the resolution of the crisis requires political solutions to be found in the north and south. Elections are planned for July 2013. Questions remain as to whether or not the entire country will be ready to hold elections, and whether hundreds of thousands of displaced people will be able to participate. Elections that are rushed will not serve to create legitimate government and may even further exacerbate political tensions.
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/448 (2013) . - 476-485[article] Mali : Politics of a crisis [texte imprimé] / Susanna D. Wing, Auteur . - 2013 . - 476-485.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/448 (2013) . - 476-485
Résumé :
Mali's presidential elections were only five weeks away when a mutiny in Kati led to the overthrow of President Amadou Toumani Touré, often called ATT. The country's decline into instability appeared to be rapid, but there had been, over time, a consistent erosion of the country's former standing as one of Africa's model democracies. While support for democracy had grown during the first decade of the Third Republic under the presidency of Alpha Oumar Konaré, it dropped steadily under ATT.1 In the months leading up to the March 2012 coup, and the forestalled April 2012 presidential elections, discontent in the country increased dramatically. A resurgent Tuareg rebellion, disgruntled military personnel, and growing tension around a constitutional referendum scheduled to take place at the same time as the presidential election all created a challenging political terrain.
Mali had earned a reputation as a democratic success story and yet the reality was far different. In the two decades following the 1991 coup d'état and the 1992 adoption of the constitution for the Third Republic, Mali had used multiple building blocks of democracy to piece together a precarious structure that would not survive a political crisis. At the same time, a Tuareg separatist insurgency and militant Islamist uprising escalated. While the breakdown of political order, imposition of Shari'a law in the north, and subsequent French military intervention have gained worldwide attention, the resolution of the crisis requires political solutions to be found in the north and south. Elections are planned for July 2013. Questions remain as to whether or not the entire country will be ready to hold elections, and whether hundreds of thousands of displaced people will be able to participate. Elections that are rushed will not serve to create legitimate government and may even further exacerbate political tensions.
Military (mis)adventures in Mali / Roland Marchal in African Affairs, Vol. 112/448 (2013)
[article]
Titre : Military (mis)adventures in Mali Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Roland Marchal, Auteur Année de publication : 2013 Article en page(s) : 486-497 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé :
The french military intervention that officially started on 11 January 2013 has reshaped the Malian crisis. It raises questions regarding the French government's understanding of the situation in northern Mali, the attitude of the African and international communities, and the ability of military interventions to address problems that go beyond security concerns about Jihadist, Islamist, or criminal movements in the Sahel.1
The French intervention came in response to an offensive by armed Islamist groups against Konna, Sevare airport, and Mopti. This attack broke an implicit agreement with the government in Bamako that no armed entities would cross a political boundary that had been set up in the spring of 2012. The reasons for this breach are not yet known, but the attacks were in part triggered by the political dialogue in Ouagadougou and Algiers regarding how to resolve the crisis, and the impact this had on the constituency of the main Islamist armed groups in northern Mali.2 Although France was sceptical of the value of engaging armed groups in talks, ECOWAS mediator Blaise Compaoré argued that this was the best way to offer a settlement. The talks failed to deliver, but it nevertheless seems likely that the prospect of a negotiated settlement increased tensions within some of the armed groups. The subsequent establishment of the Movement for the Islamic Azawad (MIA) led by Alghabass ag Inthallah3 on 23 January 2013 can be read as the external manifestation of these tensions, as well as a product of a complex entanglement of ethnic ties, ideological inclinations, and political opportunism.
This briefing provides an analysis on some aspects of the French intervention, its implications for Mali and the region, and likely future developments. The evidence does not support the accusation that this is a neo-colonial action designed to enhance …
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/448 (2013) . - 486-497[article] Military (mis)adventures in Mali [texte imprimé] / Roland Marchal, Auteur . - 2013 . - 486-497.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/448 (2013) . - 486-497
Résumé :
The french military intervention that officially started on 11 January 2013 has reshaped the Malian crisis. It raises questions regarding the French government's understanding of the situation in northern Mali, the attitude of the African and international communities, and the ability of military interventions to address problems that go beyond security concerns about Jihadist, Islamist, or criminal movements in the Sahel.1
The French intervention came in response to an offensive by armed Islamist groups against Konna, Sevare airport, and Mopti. This attack broke an implicit agreement with the government in Bamako that no armed entities would cross a political boundary that had been set up in the spring of 2012. The reasons for this breach are not yet known, but the attacks were in part triggered by the political dialogue in Ouagadougou and Algiers regarding how to resolve the crisis, and the impact this had on the constituency of the main Islamist armed groups in northern Mali.2 Although France was sceptical of the value of engaging armed groups in talks, ECOWAS mediator Blaise Compaoré argued that this was the best way to offer a settlement. The talks failed to deliver, but it nevertheless seems likely that the prospect of a negotiated settlement increased tensions within some of the armed groups. The subsequent establishment of the Movement for the Islamic Azawad (MIA) led by Alghabass ag Inthallah3 on 23 January 2013 can be read as the external manifestation of these tensions, as well as a product of a complex entanglement of ethnic ties, ideological inclinations, and political opportunism.
This briefing provides an analysis on some aspects of the French intervention, its implications for Mali and the region, and likely future developments. The evidence does not support the accusation that this is a neo-colonial action designed to enhance …The myth of global Islamic terrorism and local conflict in Mali and the Sahel / Caitriona Dowd in African Affairs, Vol. 112/448 (2013)
[article]
Titre : The myth of global Islamic terrorism and local conflict in Mali and the Sahel Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Caitriona Dowd, Auteur ; Clionadh Raleigh, Auteur Année de publication : 2013 Article en page(s) : 498-505 Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/448 (2013) . - 498-505[article] The myth of global Islamic terrorism and local conflict in Mali and the Sahel [texte imprimé] / Caitriona Dowd, Auteur ; Clionadh Raleigh, Auteur . - 2013 . - 498-505.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 112/448 (2013) . - 498-505