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African Affairs . Vol. 110/438Mention de date : 2011 Paru le : 30/01/2011 |
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Ajouter le résultat dans votre panierConstructing the truth, dealing with dissent, domesticating the world / Filip Reyntjens in African Affairs, Vol. 110/438 (2011)
[article]
Titre : Constructing the truth, dealing with dissent, domesticating the world : Governance in post-genocide Rwanda Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Filip Reyntjens, Auteur Année de publication : 2011 Article en page(s) : pp. 1-34. Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : Post-genocide Rwanda has become a ‘donor darling’, despite being a dictatorship with a dismal human rights record and a source of regional instability. In order to understand international tolerance, this article studies the regime's practices. It analyses the ways in which it dealt with external and internal critical voices, the instruments and strategies it devised to silence them, and its information management. It looks into the way the international community fell prey to the RPF's spin by allowing itself to be manipulated, focusing on Rwanda's decent technocratic governance while ignoring its deeply flawed political governance. This tolerance has allowed the development of a considerable degree of structural violence, thus exposing Rwanda to the risk of renewed violence.
in African Affairs > Vol. 110/438 (2011) . - pp. 1-34.[article] Constructing the truth, dealing with dissent, domesticating the world : Governance in post-genocide Rwanda [texte imprimé] / Filip Reyntjens, Auteur . - 2011 . - pp. 1-34.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 110/438 (2011) . - pp. 1-34.
Résumé : Post-genocide Rwanda has become a ‘donor darling’, despite being a dictatorship with a dismal human rights record and a source of regional instability. In order to understand international tolerance, this article studies the regime's practices. It analyses the ways in which it dealt with external and internal critical voices, the instruments and strategies it devised to silence them, and its information management. It looks into the way the international community fell prey to the RPF's spin by allowing itself to be manipulated, focusing on Rwanda's decent technocratic governance while ignoring its deeply flawed political governance. This tolerance has allowed the development of a considerable degree of structural violence, thus exposing Rwanda to the risk of renewed violence. A truth commission goes abroad / Jonny Steinberg in African Affairs, Vol. 110/438 (2011)
[article]
Titre : A truth commission goes abroad : Liberian transitional justice in New York Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Jonny Steinberg, Auteur Année de publication : 2011 Article en page(s) : pp. 35-53. Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : In 2007, Liberia's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) took its work to the Liberian diaspora in the United States. Judging by levels of public participation, the campaign was poorly received. This article tells two parallel stories. The first recounts the pressures that compelled the TRC to go to the United States. The second is an account of conflict in a Liberian community in New York. The article's denouement is the moment the two stories meet: the arrival of the TRC in New York and the Liberian community's response to it. The article's goals are twofold. In documenting a diaspora community's ambivalence to the work of its TRC, I offer a critique of the genre of transitional justice bequeathed to the world by South Africa's TRC and inherited by Liberia, one in which a promiscuous collection of vaguely defined ideas relating to truth, healing, and reconciliation is deployed to conceal pragmatic compromise. Second, I capture a distinctive feature of life in exile: the constitution of a theatre of power that mimics the trajectory of political life back home, and yet uses issues germane to the host country as matters of controversy.
in African Affairs > Vol. 110/438 (2011) . - pp. 35-53.[article] A truth commission goes abroad : Liberian transitional justice in New York [texte imprimé] / Jonny Steinberg, Auteur . - 2011 . - pp. 35-53.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 110/438 (2011) . - pp. 35-53.
Résumé : In 2007, Liberia's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) took its work to the Liberian diaspora in the United States. Judging by levels of public participation, the campaign was poorly received. This article tells two parallel stories. The first recounts the pressures that compelled the TRC to go to the United States. The second is an account of conflict in a Liberian community in New York. The article's denouement is the moment the two stories meet: the arrival of the TRC in New York and the Liberian community's response to it. The article's goals are twofold. In documenting a diaspora community's ambivalence to the work of its TRC, I offer a critique of the genre of transitional justice bequeathed to the world by South Africa's TRC and inherited by Liberia, one in which a promiscuous collection of vaguely defined ideas relating to truth, healing, and reconciliation is deployed to conceal pragmatic compromise. Second, I capture a distinctive feature of life in exile: the constitution of a theatre of power that mimics the trajectory of political life back home, and yet uses issues germane to the host country as matters of controversy. Interests, ideas and ideology / Laurie Nathan in African Affairs, Vol. 110/438 (2011)
[article]
Titre : Interests, ideas and ideology : South Africa's Policy on Darfur Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Laurie Nathan, Auteur Année de publication : 2011 Article en page(s) : pp. 55-74. Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : Under former President Mbeki, South Africa provoked international dismay and criticism when it tried to block United Nations censure of Burma, Sudan, and Zimbabwe for gross human rights abuses. In the case of Sudan, Pretoria stood accused of turning a blind eye to Khartoum's excessive and indiscriminate violence in Darfur, betraying South Africa's own struggle for democracy and commitment to promoting human rights. This article seeks to shed light on Pretoria's foreign policy by explaining its position on Darfur and exploring the relationship between ideas and interests in shaping the policy. I argue that the position on Darfur was not unfathomable or realist, as some observers claimed, but was based on the core ideas of South Africa's foreign policy: the African Renaissance; quiet diplomacy as the most effective means of dealing with pariah regimes; solidarity with African governments under pressure from the West; and an anti-imperialist paradigm that provided the lens through which the government viewed the global order, defined the country's interests, and conceptualized human rights. Whereas most studies of Pretoria's foreign conduct pay little heed to the policies of the ruling party, I show that the conduct flowed logically from the party's anti-imperialist ideology.
in African Affairs > Vol. 110/438 (2011) . - pp. 55-74.[article] Interests, ideas and ideology : South Africa's Policy on Darfur [texte imprimé] / Laurie Nathan, Auteur . - 2011 . - pp. 55-74.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 110/438 (2011) . - pp. 55-74.
Résumé : Under former President Mbeki, South Africa provoked international dismay and criticism when it tried to block United Nations censure of Burma, Sudan, and Zimbabwe for gross human rights abuses. In the case of Sudan, Pretoria stood accused of turning a blind eye to Khartoum's excessive and indiscriminate violence in Darfur, betraying South Africa's own struggle for democracy and commitment to promoting human rights. This article seeks to shed light on Pretoria's foreign policy by explaining its position on Darfur and exploring the relationship between ideas and interests in shaping the policy. I argue that the position on Darfur was not unfathomable or realist, as some observers claimed, but was based on the core ideas of South Africa's foreign policy: the African Renaissance; quiet diplomacy as the most effective means of dealing with pariah regimes; solidarity with African governments under pressure from the West; and an anti-imperialist paradigm that provided the lens through which the government viewed the global order, defined the country's interests, and conceptualized human rights. Whereas most studies of Pretoria's foreign conduct pay little heed to the policies of the ruling party, I show that the conduct flowed logically from the party's anti-imperialist ideology. Diaspora, faith, and science / Ellen E. Foley in African Affairs, Vol. 110/438 (2011)
[article]
Titre : Diaspora, faith, and science : Building a Mouride hospital in Senegal Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Ellen E. Foley, Auteur ; Cheik Anta Babou, Auteur Année de publication : 2011 Article en page(s) : pp. 75-95. Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : This article examines a development initiative spearheaded by the members of a transnational diaspora – the creation of a medical hospital in the holy city of Touba in central Senegal. Although the construction of the hospital is decidedly a philanthropic project, Hôpital Matlaboul Fawzaini is better understood as part of the larger place-making project of the Muridiyya and the pursuit of symbolic capital by a particular Mouride dahira. The dahira's project illuminates important processes of forging global connections and transnational localities, and underscores the importance of understanding the complex motivations behind diaspora development. The hospital's history reveals the delicate negotiations between state actors and diaspora organizations, and the complexities of public–private partnerships for development. In a reversal of state withdrawal in the neo-liberal era, a diaspora association was able to wrest new financial commitments from the state by completing a large infrastructure project. Despite this success, we argue that these kinds of projects, which are by nature uneven and sporadic, reflect particular historical conjunctures and do not offer a panacea for the failure of state-led development.
in African Affairs > Vol. 110/438 (2011) . - pp. 75-95.[article] Diaspora, faith, and science : Building a Mouride hospital in Senegal [texte imprimé] / Ellen E. Foley, Auteur ; Cheik Anta Babou, Auteur . - 2011 . - pp. 75-95.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 110/438 (2011) . - pp. 75-95.
Résumé : This article examines a development initiative spearheaded by the members of a transnational diaspora – the creation of a medical hospital in the holy city of Touba in central Senegal. Although the construction of the hospital is decidedly a philanthropic project, Hôpital Matlaboul Fawzaini is better understood as part of the larger place-making project of the Muridiyya and the pursuit of symbolic capital by a particular Mouride dahira. The dahira's project illuminates important processes of forging global connections and transnational localities, and underscores the importance of understanding the complex motivations behind diaspora development. The hospital's history reveals the delicate negotiations between state actors and diaspora organizations, and the complexities of public–private partnerships for development. In a reversal of state withdrawal in the neo-liberal era, a diaspora association was able to wrest new financial commitments from the state by completing a large infrastructure project. Despite this success, we argue that these kinds of projects, which are by nature uneven and sporadic, reflect particular historical conjunctures and do not offer a panacea for the failure of state-led development. Studying together, living apart / Anthony Lemon in African Affairs, Vol. 110/438 (2011)
[article]
Titre : Studying together, living apart : Emerging geographies of school attendance in post-apartheid Cape Town Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Anthony Lemon, Auteur ; Jane Battersby-Lennard, Auteur Année de publication : 2011 Article en page(s) : pp. 97-120. Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : Desegregation of South African schools is creating new geographies of education. Parental choice of school in the context of continuing spatial inequalities of educational provision encourages considerable movement of pupils from outside traditional catchment areas, as parents send children to distant schools formerly intended for members of other racial groups. To explore the socio-economic context of such choices, and the costs of making them, this article uses survey data from ten secondary schools with differing apartheid histories, in different socio-economic neighbourhoods, and with differing racial compositions. The findings reveal both the progress made since the end of apartheid and the limitations of change. Pupils travelling to distant schools in white areas appear to be coping well with the potential pressures, but remain a small, largely middle-class minority of black and coloured children, while friendships still appear to be made mainly within rather than across racial groups. Genuine educational choice and class mobility will depend on more fundamental reduction of educational inequality.
in African Affairs > Vol. 110/438 (2011) . - pp. 97-120.[article] Studying together, living apart : Emerging geographies of school attendance in post-apartheid Cape Town [texte imprimé] / Anthony Lemon, Auteur ; Jane Battersby-Lennard, Auteur . - 2011 . - pp. 97-120.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 110/438 (2011) . - pp. 97-120.
Résumé : Desegregation of South African schools is creating new geographies of education. Parental choice of school in the context of continuing spatial inequalities of educational provision encourages considerable movement of pupils from outside traditional catchment areas, as parents send children to distant schools formerly intended for members of other racial groups. To explore the socio-economic context of such choices, and the costs of making them, this article uses survey data from ten secondary schools with differing apartheid histories, in different socio-economic neighbourhoods, and with differing racial compositions. The findings reveal both the progress made since the end of apartheid and the limitations of change. Pupils travelling to distant schools in white areas appear to be coping well with the potential pressures, but remain a small, largely middle-class minority of black and coloured children, while friendships still appear to be made mainly within rather than across racial groups. Genuine educational choice and class mobility will depend on more fundamental reduction of educational inequality. The Ethiopian 2010 federal and regional elections / Kjetil Tronvoll in African Affairs, Vol. 110/438 (2011)
[article]
Titre : The Ethiopian 2010 federal and regional elections : Re-establishing the one-party state Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Kjetil Tronvoll, Auteur Année de publication : 2011 Article en page(s) : pp. 121-136. Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : E thiopia conducted its fourth federal and regional election on 23 May 2010. Considering the widespread pre-election interest and excitement the 2005 election attracted, and the vigorous role played by the opposition both during the campaign and in the post-election turmoil, the 2010 process was a huge let-down. The general impression among Ethiopians was that the outcome was a foregone conclusion, so the electorate was rather passively, or perhaps reluctantly, following the campaign and election discourse. The only excitement was related to how overwhelmingly the incumbent Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) would win; the general guesstimate was that the huge opposition gains in the 2005 elections, giving them one-third of the seats in the House of Representatives, would be pushed back in order for EPRDF to secure a solid victory of between 75–85 percent of the seats. It thus raised some eyebrows both domestically and internationally when the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) declared that EPRDF had secured 99.6 percent of the seats in Parliament – all but two, one going to the opposition and one to an EPRDF-friendly independent candidate.
What happened in the 2010 electoral process, or before, that can explain the radical setback for the opposition and the total victory of EPRDF? Does the election outcome represent the genuine will of the Ethiopian electorate? Is it true, as Prime Minister Meles Zenawi asserts, that EPRDF actually is that popular? This briefing offers three broad categories, each with three sets of interconnected and reinforcing factors, explaining the shift of political climate in Ethiopia since the 2005 elections, making sense of the ‘better-than-Soviet-style’ 2010 election result. First, however, a brief background to Ethiopia's electoral transition is presented and an analysis of the political context prior to the run-up to the 2010 election. Thereafter, the article turns to …
in African Affairs > Vol. 110/438 (2011) . - pp. 121-136.[article] The Ethiopian 2010 federal and regional elections : Re-establishing the one-party state [texte imprimé] / Kjetil Tronvoll, Auteur . - 2011 . - pp. 121-136.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 110/438 (2011) . - pp. 121-136.
Résumé : E thiopia conducted its fourth federal and regional election on 23 May 2010. Considering the widespread pre-election interest and excitement the 2005 election attracted, and the vigorous role played by the opposition both during the campaign and in the post-election turmoil, the 2010 process was a huge let-down. The general impression among Ethiopians was that the outcome was a foregone conclusion, so the electorate was rather passively, or perhaps reluctantly, following the campaign and election discourse. The only excitement was related to how overwhelmingly the incumbent Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) would win; the general guesstimate was that the huge opposition gains in the 2005 elections, giving them one-third of the seats in the House of Representatives, would be pushed back in order for EPRDF to secure a solid victory of between 75–85 percent of the seats. It thus raised some eyebrows both domestically and internationally when the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) declared that EPRDF had secured 99.6 percent of the seats in Parliament – all but two, one going to the opposition and one to an EPRDF-friendly independent candidate.
What happened in the 2010 electoral process, or before, that can explain the radical setback for the opposition and the total victory of EPRDF? Does the election outcome represent the genuine will of the Ethiopian electorate? Is it true, as Prime Minister Meles Zenawi asserts, that EPRDF actually is that popular? This briefing offers three broad categories, each with three sets of interconnected and reinforcing factors, explaining the shift of political climate in Ethiopia since the 2005 elections, making sense of the ‘better-than-Soviet-style’ 2010 election result. First, however, a brief background to Ethiopia's electoral transition is presented and an analysis of the political context prior to the run-up to the 2010 election. Thereafter, the article turns to …