Bibliothèque Université Don Bosco de Lubumbashi
Accueil
African Affairs . Vol. 109/437Mention de date : 2010 Paru le : 30/10/2010 |
Exemplaires (1)
Code-barres | Cote | Support | Localisation | Section | Disponibilité |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
African Affairs. Vol. 109/437 (2010) | r | Livres | Bibliothèque saint François de Sales | Ouvrage | Exclu du prêt |
Dépouillements
Ajouter le résultat dans votre panierElections and democratic transition in Nigeria under the Fourth Republic / J. Shola Omotola in African Affairs, Vol. 109/437 (2010)
[article]
Titre : Elections and democratic transition in Nigeria under the Fourth Republic Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : J. Shola Omotola, Auteur Année de publication : 2010 Article en page(s) : pp. 535-553. Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : This article analyses the impact of elections and particularly their administration on Nigeria’s democratization process. It argues that elections under the Fourth Republic (1999–2007) were characterized by ineffective administration at all stages and levels (before, during and after), resulting in damagingly discredited outcomes. This was due in large part to the weak institutionalization of the primary agencies of electoral administration, particularly the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the political parties. INEC lacks both institutional and administrative autonomy, as manifested by its composition and funding by the presidency, as well as its gross lack of professionalism and security of tenure for its officials. Elections can only engender the consolidation of democracy in Nigeria if the electoral processes are reformed in ways that fundamentally address the autonomy and capability of INEC and related electoral agencies, particularly political parties, to discharge their responsibilities effectively. The recent trend towards challenging electoral fraud in the courts, however, does signal a strengthening of the rule of law and gives some reason for optimism.
in African Affairs > Vol. 109/437 (2010) . - pp. 535-553.[article] Elections and democratic transition in Nigeria under the Fourth Republic [texte imprimé] / J. Shola Omotola, Auteur . - 2010 . - pp. 535-553.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 109/437 (2010) . - pp. 535-553.
Résumé : This article analyses the impact of elections and particularly their administration on Nigeria’s democratization process. It argues that elections under the Fourth Republic (1999–2007) were characterized by ineffective administration at all stages and levels (before, during and after), resulting in damagingly discredited outcomes. This was due in large part to the weak institutionalization of the primary agencies of electoral administration, particularly the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the political parties. INEC lacks both institutional and administrative autonomy, as manifested by its composition and funding by the presidency, as well as its gross lack of professionalism and security of tenure for its officials. Elections can only engender the consolidation of democracy in Nigeria if the electoral processes are reformed in ways that fundamentally address the autonomy and capability of INEC and related electoral agencies, particularly political parties, to discharge their responsibilities effectively. The recent trend towards challenging electoral fraud in the courts, however, does signal a strengthening of the rule of law and gives some reason for optimism. Troubles at the top / Carl Death in African Affairs, Vol. 109/437 (2010)
[article]
Titre : Troubles at the top : South African protests and the 2002 Johannesburg Summit Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Carl Death, Auteur Année de publication : 2010 Article en page(s) : pp. 555-574. Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : Political protests have visibly increased in frequency and intensity in South Africa in recent years, and they seem to indicate a more adversarial relationship between the post-apartheid state and civil society. This article uses the 2002 Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable Development, and the protests which accompanied it, to illuminate these broader trends. It analyses the legacy of the Summit as a ‘mega-event’, and highlights the importance of the ‘mega-protests’ in 2002. The most important effects are shown to be the disruption of South African extraversion; the marginalization and repression of particular social movements; and the exacerbation of broader trends toward a more polarized political landscape in South Africa. Importantly, however, the article concludes that such developments are not evidence of growing distance between the state and civil society, but rather between those considered legitimate and responsible partners, and those who are excluded from ‘normal’ politics. Thus the Johannesburg Summit illuminates broader trends toward the governmentalization and transnationalization of politics in South Africa, and destabilizes conventional understandings of what and where ‘South African politics’ actually is, as well as raising important questions regarding the impacts of such mega-events in the future.
in African Affairs > Vol. 109/437 (2010) . - pp. 555-574.[article] Troubles at the top : South African protests and the 2002 Johannesburg Summit [texte imprimé] / Carl Death, Auteur . - 2010 . - pp. 555-574.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 109/437 (2010) . - pp. 555-574.
Résumé : Political protests have visibly increased in frequency and intensity in South Africa in recent years, and they seem to indicate a more adversarial relationship between the post-apartheid state and civil society. This article uses the 2002 Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable Development, and the protests which accompanied it, to illuminate these broader trends. It analyses the legacy of the Summit as a ‘mega-event’, and highlights the importance of the ‘mega-protests’ in 2002. The most important effects are shown to be the disruption of South African extraversion; the marginalization and repression of particular social movements; and the exacerbation of broader trends toward a more polarized political landscape in South Africa. Importantly, however, the article concludes that such developments are not evidence of growing distance between the state and civil society, but rather between those considered legitimate and responsible partners, and those who are excluded from ‘normal’ politics. Thus the Johannesburg Summit illuminates broader trends toward the governmentalization and transnationalization of politics in South Africa, and destabilizes conventional understandings of what and where ‘South African politics’ actually is, as well as raising important questions regarding the impacts of such mega-events in the future. Social construction of peri-urban places and alternative planning in Zanzibar / Garth Andrew Myers in African Affairs, Vol. 109/437 (2010)
[article]
Titre : Social construction of peri-urban places and alternative planning in Zanzibar Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Garth Andrew Myers, Auteur Année de publication : 2010 Article en page(s) : pp. 575-595. Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : Increasingly, scholarship on urban Africa has focused on the social construction of place in informal neighbourhoods. In this approach, researchers often highlight the fluidity, contingency, or creativity of the urban poor majority. Efforts to remake planning processes to work with or be driven by these informal everyday place-making strategies can be quite inspiring. Yet I question whether these ideas as put into practice in cities can be anything more than survival strategies of the abject poor. Historical-geographical roots and social relations with the state make each informal neighbourhood a particular case, and these factors have significant influence on people’s capacity to make new, alternative statements with their urban places, or to create alternatives that might be replicated. This essay is based mainly around fieldwork in 2006–8 in Zanzibar’s peri-urban West District shehia (locations) of Mwera and Welezo, including assessment of the built environments, interviews, archival work, and participant observation. I document ways in which these neighbourhoods are, despite newness, rooted in history and geography, and how residents’ peri-urban everyday place making depends upon their relationships with the state. The internal heterogeneity of place making and social positioning proves difficult to contend with or deploy for alternative planning.
in African Affairs > Vol. 109/437 (2010) . - pp. 575-595.[article] Social construction of peri-urban places and alternative planning in Zanzibar [texte imprimé] / Garth Andrew Myers, Auteur . - 2010 . - pp. 575-595.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 109/437 (2010) . - pp. 575-595.
Résumé : Increasingly, scholarship on urban Africa has focused on the social construction of place in informal neighbourhoods. In this approach, researchers often highlight the fluidity, contingency, or creativity of the urban poor majority. Efforts to remake planning processes to work with or be driven by these informal everyday place-making strategies can be quite inspiring. Yet I question whether these ideas as put into practice in cities can be anything more than survival strategies of the abject poor. Historical-geographical roots and social relations with the state make each informal neighbourhood a particular case, and these factors have significant influence on people’s capacity to make new, alternative statements with their urban places, or to create alternatives that might be replicated. This essay is based mainly around fieldwork in 2006–8 in Zanzibar’s peri-urban West District shehia (locations) of Mwera and Welezo, including assessment of the built environments, interviews, archival work, and participant observation. I document ways in which these neighbourhoods are, despite newness, rooted in history and geography, and how residents’ peri-urban everyday place making depends upon their relationships with the state. The internal heterogeneity of place making and social positioning proves difficult to contend with or deploy for alternative planning. Democracy and civil war / Abu Bakarr Bah in African Affairs, Vol. 109/437 (2010)
[article]
Titre : Democracy and civil war : Citizenship and peacemaking in Côte d’Ivoire Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Abu Bakarr Bah, Auteur Année de publication : 2010 Article en page(s) : pp. 597-615. Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : The civil war in Côte d’Ivoire presents unique features with respect to the causes of civil wars and the nature of peace processes in West Africa. It is a conflict largely driven by concrete political and social grievances over citizenship. In addition, it is marked by a significant effort by the belligerents to take ownership of the peace process and negotiate directly. This article traces the civil war to the politicization of citizenship and ethnicity during the democratization process. It argues that the peace agreements engineered by the international community failed to end the conflict largely because they relied heavily on traditional peace formulas and paid insufficient attention to the underlying issue of citizenship. In contrast, the peace agreement forged by Ivorians has been relatively successful because it directly addressed the citizenship issue and restored domestic ownership of the peace process. This article focuses on the peace process and the intrinsic relation between citizenship and progress toward peace in Côte d’Ivoire. In addition, it connects the discourse on democracy in Africa with the salient issue of citizenship and underscores the fluidity of citizenship and democracy in African politics.
in African Affairs > Vol. 109/437 (2010) . - pp. 597-615.[article] Democracy and civil war : Citizenship and peacemaking in Côte d’Ivoire [texte imprimé] / Abu Bakarr Bah, Auteur . - 2010 . - pp. 597-615.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 109/437 (2010) . - pp. 597-615.
Résumé : The civil war in Côte d’Ivoire presents unique features with respect to the causes of civil wars and the nature of peace processes in West Africa. It is a conflict largely driven by concrete political and social grievances over citizenship. In addition, it is marked by a significant effort by the belligerents to take ownership of the peace process and negotiate directly. This article traces the civil war to the politicization of citizenship and ethnicity during the democratization process. It argues that the peace agreements engineered by the international community failed to end the conflict largely because they relied heavily on traditional peace formulas and paid insufficient attention to the underlying issue of citizenship. In contrast, the peace agreement forged by Ivorians has been relatively successful because it directly addressed the citizenship issue and restored domestic ownership of the peace process. This article focuses on the peace process and the intrinsic relation between citizenship and progress toward peace in Côte d’Ivoire. In addition, it connects the discourse on democracy in Africa with the salient issue of citizenship and underscores the fluidity of citizenship and democracy in African politics. Crude days ahead? OIL and the resource curse in Sudan / Luke A. Patey in African Affairs, Vol. 109/437 (2010)
[article]
Titre : Crude days ahead? OIL and the resource curse in Sudan Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Luke A. Patey, Auteur Année de publication : 2010 Article en page(s) : pp. 617-636. Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : Oil remains a major threat to peace and stability in Sudan as the interim period of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement draws to a close. With a 2011 referendum for Southern secession on the near horizon, political relations between the government of Sudan and the semi-autonomous government of Southern Sudan rest precariously on a fragile economy and waning oil sector. This analysis of the political economy of oil in Sudan since 2005 finds that governance at national, regional, and local levels has largely failed to manage the damaging political and economic effects of the resource curse. Uncertainty surrounding Khartoum’s oil transfers to the South, negligence and corruption among the Southern elite, and the lack of a peace dividend to offset environmental degradation in oil-bearing regions trace the multiplicity of the resource curse in Sudan. While compromises on oil between political elites offer some hope of avoiding a future North–South civil war, the regional and local dimensions of the resource curse remain critical sources of armed conflict.
in African Affairs > Vol. 109/437 (2010) . - pp. 617-636.[article] Crude days ahead? OIL and the resource curse in Sudan [texte imprimé] / Luke A. Patey, Auteur . - 2010 . - pp. 617-636.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 109/437 (2010) . - pp. 617-636.
Résumé : Oil remains a major threat to peace and stability in Sudan as the interim period of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement draws to a close. With a 2011 referendum for Southern secession on the near horizon, political relations between the government of Sudan and the semi-autonomous government of Southern Sudan rest precariously on a fragile economy and waning oil sector. This analysis of the political economy of oil in Sudan since 2005 finds that governance at national, regional, and local levels has largely failed to manage the damaging political and economic effects of the resource curse. Uncertainty surrounding Khartoum’s oil transfers to the South, negligence and corruption among the Southern elite, and the lack of a peace dividend to offset environmental degradation in oil-bearing regions trace the multiplicity of the resource curse in Sudan. While compromises on oil between political elites offer some hope of avoiding a future North–South civil war, the regional and local dimensions of the resource curse remain critical sources of armed conflict. 'You’re either with us or against us’ / Paul Gready in African Affairs, Vol. 109/437 (2010)
[article]
Titre : 'You’re either with us or against us’ : Civil society and policy making in post-genocide Rwanda Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Paul Gready, Auteur Année de publication : 2010 Article en page(s) : pp. 637-657. Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : Land reform and post-genocide justice and reconciliation are arguably the two most pressing challenges facing Rwanda. Both will only be delivered by collaboration between government, civil society, and international donors. This article explores the realignment of these actors within post-genocide and post-conflict policy-making processes. Rwanda is a hard case for NGOs and civil society, in that both the internal freedoms of democracy and the external support structures that often assist resistance to authoritarian rule are lacking. Further complicating matters, the interplay between the moral legitimacy of the Rwandan government and its material dependence on donors shapes the opportunities and constraints of all policy actors. The article proceeds by profiling the policy context and relevant policy actors; mapping the land reform and gacaca policy processes, and the contribution of two civil society actors, LANDNET and Penal Reform International (PRI), to these processes; and concludes by evaluating the determinants of civil society effectiveness. The core argument is that spaces for civil society engagement in policy processes are ad hoc and personalized, rather than based on institutional relationships between society and the state.
in African Affairs > Vol. 109/437 (2010) . - pp. 637-657.[article] 'You’re either with us or against us’ : Civil society and policy making in post-genocide Rwanda [texte imprimé] / Paul Gready, Auteur . - 2010 . - pp. 637-657.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 109/437 (2010) . - pp. 637-657.
Résumé : Land reform and post-genocide justice and reconciliation are arguably the two most pressing challenges facing Rwanda. Both will only be delivered by collaboration between government, civil society, and international donors. This article explores the realignment of these actors within post-genocide and post-conflict policy-making processes. Rwanda is a hard case for NGOs and civil society, in that both the internal freedoms of democracy and the external support structures that often assist resistance to authoritarian rule are lacking. Further complicating matters, the interplay between the moral legitimacy of the Rwandan government and its material dependence on donors shapes the opportunities and constraints of all policy actors. The article proceeds by profiling the policy context and relevant policy actors; mapping the land reform and gacaca policy processes, and the contribution of two civil society actors, LANDNET and Penal Reform International (PRI), to these processes; and concludes by evaluating the determinants of civil society effectiveness. The core argument is that spaces for civil society engagement in policy processes are ad hoc and personalized, rather than based on institutional relationships between society and the state. The mobile phone ‘revolution’ in Africa / Sebastiana Etzo in African Affairs, Vol. 109/437 (2010)
[article]
Titre : The mobile phone ‘revolution’ in Africa : Rhetoric or reality? Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Sebastiana Etzo, Auteur ; Guy Collender, Auteur Année de publication : 2010 Article en page(s) : pp. 659-668. Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : Only superlatives seem appropriate to describe the mobile phone 'revolution' – its impact and its potential – in Africa. Mobile phones are almost always the cheapest and quickest way to communicate, particularly when fixed-line phones and broadband internet are underdeveloped and dependent upon expensive infrastructure. The continent is home to 350 million mobile phone subscribers,1 and their numbers are growing faster than anywhere else in the world. The ubiquity of mobiles is matched only by the ingenuity of their users. From shantytowns to remote villages, mobile phones are being used to transfer money, monitor elections, and deliver public health messages. A large informal economy has also emerged to support the mobile sector, with people selling airtime, charging and fixing mobiles, and renting them out. Africa is truly a crucible for mobile phone innovation and entrepreneurship. Unsurprisingly, the rapid adoption of mobile phone technology by Africans and its dramatic benefits have frequently been described in unrestrained terms as ‘staggering’, a ‘remarkable phenomenon’, and a ‘revolution’.2 This transformation is all the more exceptional because it was largely unanticipated by the business or research communities.
Notwithstanding the socio-economic advantages associated with mobile telephony, the industry also faces notable challenges and unintended consequences. Penetration rates (mobile subscriptions per 100 people) vary from under 10 percent in Ethiopia to nearly 100 percent in Gabon,3 with an average of over 33 percent for the whole continent.4 The accessibility and use of mobile phones can also entrench and exacerbate unequal power relations between men and women, and between employers and employees. This briefing, therefore, strives to bring balance to the mobile debate, identify information gaps, and also to suggest that understanding the limitations of mobile telephony is a prerequisite when formulating policy to ensure this dynamic technology is harnessed to its best effect
in African Affairs > Vol. 109/437 (2010) . - pp. 659-668.[article] The mobile phone ‘revolution’ in Africa : Rhetoric or reality? [texte imprimé] / Sebastiana Etzo, Auteur ; Guy Collender, Auteur . - 2010 . - pp. 659-668.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 109/437 (2010) . - pp. 659-668.
Résumé : Only superlatives seem appropriate to describe the mobile phone 'revolution' – its impact and its potential – in Africa. Mobile phones are almost always the cheapest and quickest way to communicate, particularly when fixed-line phones and broadband internet are underdeveloped and dependent upon expensive infrastructure. The continent is home to 350 million mobile phone subscribers,1 and their numbers are growing faster than anywhere else in the world. The ubiquity of mobiles is matched only by the ingenuity of their users. From shantytowns to remote villages, mobile phones are being used to transfer money, monitor elections, and deliver public health messages. A large informal economy has also emerged to support the mobile sector, with people selling airtime, charging and fixing mobiles, and renting them out. Africa is truly a crucible for mobile phone innovation and entrepreneurship. Unsurprisingly, the rapid adoption of mobile phone technology by Africans and its dramatic benefits have frequently been described in unrestrained terms as ‘staggering’, a ‘remarkable phenomenon’, and a ‘revolution’.2 This transformation is all the more exceptional because it was largely unanticipated by the business or research communities.
Notwithstanding the socio-economic advantages associated with mobile telephony, the industry also faces notable challenges and unintended consequences. Penetration rates (mobile subscriptions per 100 people) vary from under 10 percent in Ethiopia to nearly 100 percent in Gabon,3 with an average of over 33 percent for the whole continent.4 The accessibility and use of mobile phones can also entrench and exacerbate unequal power relations between men and women, and between employers and employees. This briefing, therefore, strives to bring balance to the mobile debate, identify information gaps, and also to suggest that understanding the limitations of mobile telephony is a prerequisite when formulating policy to ensure this dynamic technology is harnessed to its best effect