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African Affairs . Vol. 107/426Mention de date : 2008 Paru le : 10/05/2008 |
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Ajouter le résultat dans votre panierWhy Abyei Matters / Douglas Hamilton Johnson in African Affairs, Vol. 107/426 (2008)
[article]
Titre : Why Abyei Matters : The Breaking Point of Sudan's Comprehensive Peace Agreement? Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Douglas Hamilton Johnson (1949-....), Auteur Année de publication : 2008 Article en page(s) : pp. 1-19. Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : The Abyei Area, straddling the North–South border of Sudan, was the subject of a separate protocol in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed between the Sudan government and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement in January 2005. One provision of that protocol was the establishment of a boundaries commission to define the territory to be included in the special administration of the area. The commission's decision was to be implemented ‘with immediate effect’ on the submission of its report in July 2005, but implementation has been blocked by the National Congress Party, which still controls the central government in Sudan. The conduct of war in Abyei established many precedents for the conduct of war in Darfur in the use of tribal militias and the forcible displacement of non-Arab peoples. The failure to implement the Abyei Protocol has implications not only for determining the North–South border (as stipulated by the CPA), but for the implementation of any Darfur peace agreement.
in African Affairs > Vol. 107/426 (2008) . - pp. 1-19.[article] Why Abyei Matters : The Breaking Point of Sudan's Comprehensive Peace Agreement? [texte imprimé] / Douglas Hamilton Johnson (1949-....), Auteur . - 2008 . - pp. 1-19.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 107/426 (2008) . - pp. 1-19.
Résumé : The Abyei Area, straddling the North–South border of Sudan, was the subject of a separate protocol in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed between the Sudan government and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement in January 2005. One provision of that protocol was the establishment of a boundaries commission to define the territory to be included in the special administration of the area. The commission's decision was to be implemented ‘with immediate effect’ on the submission of its report in July 2005, but implementation has been blocked by the National Congress Party, which still controls the central government in Sudan. The conduct of war in Abyei established many precedents for the conduct of war in Darfur in the use of tribal militias and the forcible displacement of non-Arab peoples. The failure to implement the Abyei Protocol has implications not only for determining the North–South border (as stipulated by the CPA), but for the implementation of any Darfur peace agreement. Arab Identity and Ideology in Sudan / Heather J. Sharkey in African Affairs, Vol. 107/426 (2008)
[article]
Titre : Arab Identity and Ideology in Sudan : The Politics of Language, Ethnicity, and Race Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Heather J. Sharkey, Auteur Année de publication : 2008 Article en page(s) : pp. 21-43. Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : In what is now Sudan there occurred over the centuries a process of ta'rib, or Arabization, entailing the gradual spread of both Arab identity and the Arabic language among northern peoples. After the Anglo-Egyptian conquest of 1898, British colonial policies favoured a narrow elite from within these ‘Arab’ communities. Members of this elite went on to develop a conception of a self-consciously Sudanese Arabic national identity, in the process adapting the term ‘Sudanese’ (sudani), which derived from an Arabic word for blackness and previously had servile connotations. At decolonization in the 1950s, these nationalists turned ta'rib, into an official policy that sought to propagate Arabic quickly throughout a territory where scores of languages were spoken. This article considers the historical diffusion of Sudanese Arabic-language culture and Arab identity, contrasts this with the post-colonial policy of Arabization, and analyses the relevance of the latter for civil conflicts in Southern Sudan, the Nuba Mountains, and, more recently, Darfur. Far from spreading Arabness, Arabization policy sharpened non-Arab and, in some cases, self-consciously ‘African’ (implying culturally pluralist) identities. Arabization policy also accompanied, in some quarters, the growth of an ideology of Arab cultural and racial supremacy that is now most evident in Darfur.
in African Affairs > Vol. 107/426 (2008) . - pp. 21-43.[article] Arab Identity and Ideology in Sudan : The Politics of Language, Ethnicity, and Race [texte imprimé] / Heather J. Sharkey, Auteur . - 2008 . - pp. 21-43.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 107/426 (2008) . - pp. 21-43.
Résumé : In what is now Sudan there occurred over the centuries a process of ta'rib, or Arabization, entailing the gradual spread of both Arab identity and the Arabic language among northern peoples. After the Anglo-Egyptian conquest of 1898, British colonial policies favoured a narrow elite from within these ‘Arab’ communities. Members of this elite went on to develop a conception of a self-consciously Sudanese Arabic national identity, in the process adapting the term ‘Sudanese’ (sudani), which derived from an Arabic word for blackness and previously had servile connotations. At decolonization in the 1950s, these nationalists turned ta'rib, into an official policy that sought to propagate Arabic quickly throughout a territory where scores of languages were spoken. This article considers the historical diffusion of Sudanese Arabic-language culture and Arab identity, contrasts this with the post-colonial policy of Arabization, and analyses the relevance of the latter for civil conflicts in Southern Sudan, the Nuba Mountains, and, more recently, Darfur. Far from spreading Arabness, Arabization policy sharpened non-Arab and, in some cases, self-consciously ‘African’ (implying culturally pluralist) identities. Arabization policy also accompanied, in some quarters, the growth of an ideology of Arab cultural and racial supremacy that is now most evident in Darfur. Beyond ‘Dragon in the Bush’ / Daniel Large in African Affairs, Vol. 107/426 (2008)
[article]
Titre : Beyond ‘Dragon in the Bush’ : The Study of China–Africa Relations Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Daniel Large, Auteur Année de publication : 2008 Article en page(s) : pp. 45-61. Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : In the wake of China's Year of Africa in 2006, China–Africa relations are currently the subject of unprecedented attention. However, although those relations are widely covered they are also under-researched. This article offers an introduction to China–Africa relations, covering background to the history and politics of Chinese involvement in the continent and identifying areas of further research. It concludes by calling for the study of China–Africa relations to develop a culture of serious research beyond current ‘dragon in the bush’ preoccupations and so engage a complex subject that is about to become a mainstream issue in African politics.
in African Affairs > Vol. 107/426 (2008) . - pp. 45-61.[article] Beyond ‘Dragon in the Bush’ : The Study of China–Africa Relations [texte imprimé] / Daniel Large, Auteur . - 2008 . - pp. 45-61.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 107/426 (2008) . - pp. 45-61.
Résumé : In the wake of China's Year of Africa in 2006, China–Africa relations are currently the subject of unprecedented attention. However, although those relations are widely covered they are also under-researched. This article offers an introduction to China–Africa relations, covering background to the history and politics of Chinese involvement in the continent and identifying areas of further research. It concludes by calling for the study of China–Africa relations to develop a culture of serious research beyond current ‘dragon in the bush’ preoccupations and so engage a complex subject that is about to become a mainstream issue in African politics. Sino-African Relations and the Problem of Human Rights / Ian Taylor in African Affairs, Vol. 107/426 (2008)
[article]
Titre : Sino-African Relations and the Problem of Human Rights Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Ian Taylor, Auteur Année de publication : 2008 Article en page(s) : pp. 63-87. Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : China's political and economic activities in Africa are increasing at an exponential rate. Equally, they are attracting criticism, chiefly over Beijing's no-strings-attached stance on human rights and governance. It is clear that many African states that enjoy Chinese support not only trample on civil and political rights (as per Western ideas of human rights), but also subvert their citizens’ economic and social rights (as per China's discourse on human rights). If whilst adhering to the principle of non-interference, Chinese activities actually make things worse for some in Africa, then Beijing's argument that basic socio-economic rights are more important for the poor than abstract political rights is potentially problematic. This is because there is a danger that Beijing's engagement in Africa might be exploited by autocrats on the continent for their own, well-understood, reasons. Doing no harm, rather than a studied disinterest, needs to be part of China's overall African policy, something that Beijing is bound to recognize.
in African Affairs > Vol. 107/426 (2008) . - pp. 63-87.[article] Sino-African Relations and the Problem of Human Rights [texte imprimé] / Ian Taylor, Auteur . - 2008 . - pp. 63-87.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 107/426 (2008) . - pp. 63-87.
Résumé : China's political and economic activities in Africa are increasing at an exponential rate. Equally, they are attracting criticism, chiefly over Beijing's no-strings-attached stance on human rights and governance. It is clear that many African states that enjoy Chinese support not only trample on civil and political rights (as per Western ideas of human rights), but also subvert their citizens’ economic and social rights (as per China's discourse on human rights). If whilst adhering to the principle of non-interference, Chinese activities actually make things worse for some in Africa, then Beijing's argument that basic socio-economic rights are more important for the poor than abstract political rights is potentially problematic. This is because there is a danger that Beijing's engagement in Africa might be exploited by autocrats on the continent for their own, well-understood, reasons. Doing no harm, rather than a studied disinterest, needs to be part of China's overall African policy, something that Beijing is bound to recognize. The Business of Peace / Dave Eaton in African Affairs, Vol. 107/426 (2008)
[article]
Titre : The Business of Peace : Raiding and Peace Work Along the Kenya–Uganda Border (Part I) Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Dave Eaton, Auteur Année de publication : 2008 Article en page(s) : pp. 89-110. Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : Peace-building NGOs are frequently at work along the Kenya–Uganda border. But in this desolate region, results have been extremely sparse. This article contends that this is due to the inadequacies of contemporary understandings of cattle raiding. Most NGOs and many academics ascribe cattle raids to a familiar array of factors such as resource scarcity, small arms proliferation, and generational conflict. While each issue is obviously of some relevance, such explanations are too cumbersome to really enhance our knowledge of cattle raiding. This article proposes a new approach to the problem by utilizing popular conceptions of ethnicity and criminal responsibility for raids. Given that most major raids originally stem from seemingly insignificant thefts, the process of retaliation is seen as crucial to understanding why violence escalates in certain situations and defuses in others. The failure of NGOs engaged in peace work to address this important issue in a meaningful way is the reason they have failed to achieve much success along the Kenya–Uganda border. This is in turn responsible for the widespread cynicism and corruption that has crept into their work, and is the subject of the second part of this article.
in African Affairs > Vol. 107/426 (2008) . - pp. 89-110.[article] The Business of Peace : Raiding and Peace Work Along the Kenya–Uganda Border (Part I) [texte imprimé] / Dave Eaton, Auteur . - 2008 . - pp. 89-110.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 107/426 (2008) . - pp. 89-110.
Résumé : Peace-building NGOs are frequently at work along the Kenya–Uganda border. But in this desolate region, results have been extremely sparse. This article contends that this is due to the inadequacies of contemporary understandings of cattle raiding. Most NGOs and many academics ascribe cattle raids to a familiar array of factors such as resource scarcity, small arms proliferation, and generational conflict. While each issue is obviously of some relevance, such explanations are too cumbersome to really enhance our knowledge of cattle raiding. This article proposes a new approach to the problem by utilizing popular conceptions of ethnicity and criminal responsibility for raids. Given that most major raids originally stem from seemingly insignificant thefts, the process of retaliation is seen as crucial to understanding why violence escalates in certain situations and defuses in others. The failure of NGOs engaged in peace work to address this important issue in a meaningful way is the reason they have failed to achieve much success along the Kenya–Uganda border. This is in turn responsible for the widespread cynicism and corruption that has crept into their work, and is the subject of the second part of this article.