Bibliothèque Université Don Bosco de Lubumbashi
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African Affairs . Vol. 115, n°459Mention de date : 2016 Paru le : 27/06/2016 |
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Ajouter le résultat dans votre panierState intelligence and the politics of Zimbabwe's presidential succession / Blessing-Miles Tendi in African Affairs, Vol. 115, n°459 (2016)
[article]
Titre : State intelligence and the politics of Zimbabwe's presidential succession Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Blessing-Miles Tendi, Auteur Année de publication : 2016 Article en page(s) : 203-224 Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 115, n°459 (2016) . - 203-224[article] State intelligence and the politics of Zimbabwe's presidential succession [texte imprimé] / Blessing-Miles Tendi, Auteur . - 2016 . - 203-224.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 115, n°459 (2016) . - 203-224Constitution-making, media, and the politics of participation in Somalia / Nicole Stremlau in African Affairs, Vol. 115, n°459 (2016)
[article]
Titre : Constitution-making, media, and the politics of participation in Somalia Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Nicole Stremlau, Auteur Année de publication : 2016 Article en page(s) : 225-245 Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 115, n°459 (2016) . - 225-245[article] Constitution-making, media, and the politics of participation in Somalia [texte imprimé] / Nicole Stremlau, Auteur . - 2016 . - 225-245.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 115, n°459 (2016) . - 225-245Devolution and corruption in Kenya / Michelle D'Arcy in African Affairs, Vol. 115, n°459 (2016)
[article]
Titre : Devolution and corruption in Kenya : Everyone's turn to eat? Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Michelle D'Arcy, Auteur ; Agnes Cornell, Auteur Année de publication : 2016 Article en page(s) : 246-273 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : How does decentralization affect patronage and rent seeking? While centralization is seen as enabling these practices, many expect decentralization to reduce them. With few examples of meaningful reform it is difficult to establish if this is the case in the context of African states. We look at the impact of decentralization on rent seeking and patronage in Kenya, where the devolution of significant powers to county governments has recently taken place. We suggest that devolution has not removed these practices but rather brought them down to the local level in response to popular expectations that it is “everyone's turn to eat”. The realization of this expectation for a broad constituency of ethnic groups and elites has facilitated – so far – the embedding of these reforms. Our findings thus suggest that the implementation of meaningful decentralization has been achieved via the decentralization of patronage networks, meaning that the “our turn to eat” character of ethnic patronage politics persists. As a result, although a greater number of groups now have their turn, ethnic minorities within some counties feel marginalized, including certain trapped minorities from politically relevant groups.
in African Affairs > Vol. 115, n°459 (2016) . - 246-273[article] Devolution and corruption in Kenya : Everyone's turn to eat? [texte imprimé] / Michelle D'Arcy, Auteur ; Agnes Cornell, Auteur . - 2016 . - 246-273.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 115, n°459 (2016) . - 246-273
Résumé : How does decentralization affect patronage and rent seeking? While centralization is seen as enabling these practices, many expect decentralization to reduce them. With few examples of meaningful reform it is difficult to establish if this is the case in the context of African states. We look at the impact of decentralization on rent seeking and patronage in Kenya, where the devolution of significant powers to county governments has recently taken place. We suggest that devolution has not removed these practices but rather brought them down to the local level in response to popular expectations that it is “everyone's turn to eat”. The realization of this expectation for a broad constituency of ethnic groups and elites has facilitated – so far – the embedding of these reforms. Our findings thus suggest that the implementation of meaningful decentralization has been achieved via the decentralization of patronage networks, meaning that the “our turn to eat” character of ethnic patronage politics persists. As a result, although a greater number of groups now have their turn, ethnic minorities within some counties feel marginalized, including certain trapped minorities from politically relevant groups. Struggling over land in post-conflict Uganda / Matt Kandel in African Affairs, Vol. 115, n°459 (2016)
[article]
Titre : Struggling over land in post-conflict Uganda Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Matt Kandel, Auteur Année de publication : 2016 Article en page(s) : 274-295 Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 115, n°459 (2016) . - 274-295[article] Struggling over land in post-conflict Uganda [texte imprimé] / Matt Kandel, Auteur . - 2016 . - 274-295.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 115, n°459 (2016) . - 274-295Artisanal frontier mining of gold in Africa / Deborah Fahy Bryceson in African Affairs, Vol. 115, n°459 (2016)
[article]
Titre : Artisanal frontier mining of gold in Africa : Labour transformation in Tanzania and the Democratic Republic of Congo Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Deborah Fahy Bryceson, Auteur ; Sara Geenen, Auteur Année de publication : 2016 Article en page(s) : 296-317 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : This article studies the transformative nature of ‘artisanal frontier mining’ in view of sub-Saharan Africa's mining history. Artisanal gold production has generated livelihood earnings for millions of people in sub-Saharan Africa. Yet we must go beyond a study of artisanal mining as an individual livelihood choice and consider the sector's internal dynamics. In this sense, the concept of ‘labour transformation’ is helpful. It refers to a process in which individuals' skill acquisition, economic exchange, psychological reorientation, and social positioning evolve towards a shared occupational identity and collective professional norms, leaving considerable scope for self-governance amongst artisanal miners. This process is captured in the notion of the ‘frontier’, which in our case refers to occupational rather than geographic locational change. However, the frontier is necessarily of limited temporal duration given the existence of gold as a non-renewable resource, the depth of the gold supply sinking beyond the exploratory and extractive reach of artisanal miners, and the expanding interests of foreign mining corporations and the state. Our argument is illustrated through a comparison of the artisanal mining experiences of two neighbouring countries, Tanzania and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), whose artisanal labour patterns are remarkably similar to each other despite their very different national political contexts and the DRC's recent experience of conflict mineral production.
in African Affairs > Vol. 115, n°459 (2016) . - 296-317[article] Artisanal frontier mining of gold in Africa : Labour transformation in Tanzania and the Democratic Republic of Congo [texte imprimé] / Deborah Fahy Bryceson, Auteur ; Sara Geenen, Auteur . - 2016 . - 296-317.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 115, n°459 (2016) . - 296-317
Résumé : This article studies the transformative nature of ‘artisanal frontier mining’ in view of sub-Saharan Africa's mining history. Artisanal gold production has generated livelihood earnings for millions of people in sub-Saharan Africa. Yet we must go beyond a study of artisanal mining as an individual livelihood choice and consider the sector's internal dynamics. In this sense, the concept of ‘labour transformation’ is helpful. It refers to a process in which individuals' skill acquisition, economic exchange, psychological reorientation, and social positioning evolve towards a shared occupational identity and collective professional norms, leaving considerable scope for self-governance amongst artisanal miners. This process is captured in the notion of the ‘frontier’, which in our case refers to occupational rather than geographic locational change. However, the frontier is necessarily of limited temporal duration given the existence of gold as a non-renewable resource, the depth of the gold supply sinking beyond the exploratory and extractive reach of artisanal miners, and the expanding interests of foreign mining corporations and the state. Our argument is illustrated through a comparison of the artisanal mining experiences of two neighbouring countries, Tanzania and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), whose artisanal labour patterns are remarkably similar to each other despite their very different national political contexts and the DRC's recent experience of conflict mineral production. Mobilizing the faithful / Amy S. Patterson in African Affairs, Vol. 115, n°459 (2016)
[article]
Titre : Mobilizing the faithful : Organizational autonomy, visionary pastors, and citizenship in South Africa and Zambia Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Amy S. Patterson, Auteur ; Tracy Kuperus, Auteur Année de publication : 2016 Article en page(s) : 318-341 Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 115, n°459 (2016) . - 318-341[article] Mobilizing the faithful : Organizational autonomy, visionary pastors, and citizenship in South Africa and Zambia [texte imprimé] / Amy S. Patterson, Auteur ; Tracy Kuperus, Auteur . - 2016 . - 318-341.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 115, n°459 (2016) . - 318-341Africa by numbers / Morten Jerven in African Affairs, Vol. 115, n°459 (2016)
[article]
Titre : Africa by numbers : Reviewing the database approach to studying African economies Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Morten Jerven, Auteur Année de publication : 2016 Article en page(s) : 342-358 Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 115, n°459 (2016) . - 342-358[article] Africa by numbers : Reviewing the database approach to studying African economies [texte imprimé] / Morten Jerven, Auteur . - 2016 . - 342-358.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 115, n°459 (2016) . - 342-358Africa and the Paris climate change agreement / Simon Chin-Yee in African Affairs, Vol. 115, n°459 (2016)
[article]
Titre : Africa and the Paris climate change agreement Type de document : texte imprimé Auteurs : Simon Chin-Yee, Auteur Année de publication : 2016 Article en page(s) : 359-368 Langues : Anglais (eng) Résumé : ON 12 DECEMBER 2015, the 195 member states party to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) formally adopted the Paris Agreement. This agreement, the culmination of many years of work by thousands of negotiators, scientists, academics, and representatives from civil society, replaces the failed Copenhagen Accord. During the Copenhagen conference in 2009, Lumumba Di-Aping, the then-Ambassador and Deputy Permanent Representative of Sudan to the United Nations in New York, and the Chair of the G77+China group, controversially stated that, ‘You cannot ask Africa to sign a suicide pact, an incineration pact in order to maintain the economic dominance of a few countries’.1 The Copenhagen conference witnessed deep splits amongst African delegates. South Africa was part of the coalition that drafted the final text behind closed doors (with Brazil, India, China, and the USA) and Ethiopia publicly supportive of the Accord, while many other African countries agreed with Di-Aping that it produced a disastrous outcome for the continent. This briefing considers African influence at the twenty-first conference of the parties to the UNFCCC (COP21) and asks whether the final deal is a good one from an African perspective.
African influence in the climate negotiations
The lead-up to the Paris conference had not been auspicious, and frustration with the process of textual negotiation had been building. In the last session before the conference, held in Bonn, 19–23 October 2015, the newly condensed text came under heavy criticism from African countries and the G77 (a coalition of 134 developing countries). In a statement released at the beginning of the session, the African Group of Negotiators stated that this text cannot serve as a basis for negotiation, as it is not balanced and does not reflect concerns of the African Group and a number of other developing countries …. We see the text, at best, as …
in African Affairs > Vol. 115, n°459 (2016) . - 359-368[article] Africa and the Paris climate change agreement [texte imprimé] / Simon Chin-Yee, Auteur . - 2016 . - 359-368.
Langues : Anglais (eng)
in African Affairs > Vol. 115, n°459 (2016) . - 359-368
Résumé : ON 12 DECEMBER 2015, the 195 member states party to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) formally adopted the Paris Agreement. This agreement, the culmination of many years of work by thousands of negotiators, scientists, academics, and representatives from civil society, replaces the failed Copenhagen Accord. During the Copenhagen conference in 2009, Lumumba Di-Aping, the then-Ambassador and Deputy Permanent Representative of Sudan to the United Nations in New York, and the Chair of the G77+China group, controversially stated that, ‘You cannot ask Africa to sign a suicide pact, an incineration pact in order to maintain the economic dominance of a few countries’.1 The Copenhagen conference witnessed deep splits amongst African delegates. South Africa was part of the coalition that drafted the final text behind closed doors (with Brazil, India, China, and the USA) and Ethiopia publicly supportive of the Accord, while many other African countries agreed with Di-Aping that it produced a disastrous outcome for the continent. This briefing considers African influence at the twenty-first conference of the parties to the UNFCCC (COP21) and asks whether the final deal is a good one from an African perspective.
African influence in the climate negotiations
The lead-up to the Paris conference had not been auspicious, and frustration with the process of textual negotiation had been building. In the last session before the conference, held in Bonn, 19–23 October 2015, the newly condensed text came under heavy criticism from African countries and the G77 (a coalition of 134 developing countries). In a statement released at the beginning of the session, the African Group of Negotiators stated that this text cannot serve as a basis for negotiation, as it is not balanced and does not reflect concerns of the African Group and a number of other developing countries …. We see the text, at best, as …